Turkish opposition
Although the new Minister of Economy (former Minister of Transport and Communications, Lütfi Elvan) and the President of Central Bank (former Minister of Finance) have begun to work by reassuring large investments, the indicators continue to justify those who are concerned about these processes. As the improvement of macroeconomic indicators will take some time, it will also be difficult to focus on production, especially in Qatar, by selling dividends to foreign companies.
The opposition also drove a coach and horses through these weak points. Turkish politics had not faced such a unique picture in the multi-party system that began to be implemented in 1946: Although the main opposition party has been "shaking" the government for years, all and only in the March 31, 2019, municipal elections, it was able to get the desired result. Although the resignation of the former Prime Minister and former Deputy Prime Minister of the ruling party and the creation of a new party were initially reacted with disapprobation, as the opposition rhetoric of Ahmet Davutoğlu and Ali Babacan becomes tough, they can both snatch the masses from the ruling party and attract salvo to the government's economic and foreign policy from the most sensitive points.
This is natural because before the AKP came to power in November 2002, Ali Babacan prepared an economic program and managed economic programs and projects for 13 years with an interval of about 20 months (he was the Minister of Foreign Affairs on July 30, 2007 - May 1, 2009).
Although Babacan, who has won the confidence of both international organizations and financial institutions, is well aware of the government's "soft belly" in the economic sphere, it may come as a surprise that this former minister and new opposition leader, widely known as a moderate person, has sharpened his jargon against President Erdoğan. However, it is known that when the jargon of the opposition political body is not harsh, it is impossible to push the government into a corner. In this regard, Ali Babacan, as the leader of an opposition party, could have no alternative but to sharpen his jargon, and by doing so, he can raise his party's rating steadily - most of those who were drawn to him are from the AKP, of which Ali Babacan is a founding member (he resigned 1.5 years ago). Another leader who burned bridges between him and President Erdoğan is former Minister of Foreign Affairs and former Prime Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu.
Although he managed to win 49.5% of the vote while leading the AKP, Prof. Davutoğlu was abruptly fired in May 2016. Since he has led the country's foreign policy as an adviser about 10 years ago and then as a minister, today, as the leader of an opposition party, he knows very well where to strike the government's foreign policy.
One of the mechanisms of pressure on the government created by the chairman of the Future Party, Ahmet Davutoğlu, is the struggle against the bringing of family members and relatives into public administration and issues of transparency. Public opinion polls initially predicted that neither Davutoğlu nor Babacan could weaken the AKP; however, as time went on, both leaders began to get the wind up the government practically as they sharpened their political jargon. One reason for this is that the AKP chairman and President Erdoğan has turned a blind eye to his former government colleagues while they were fighting against the republic's founding party, the CHP.
The AKP leader and President Erdoğan, who had been suing the leader of the main opposition party almost every week for financial compensation, avoided controversy because they saw the controversy with their former government allies lowered their ratings; hence, Davutoğlu and Babacan increased the dose of criticism as they avoided controversy.
Another strange aspect of the matter is that the junior partner of the government, Devlet Bahçeli, is no longer willing to argue with Davutoğlu or Babacan. The reason for this is that Bahçeli, who criticized both Davutoğlu and Babacan, received unexpected answers from both of them and retreated to his "neighborhood".
Despite all the pressure, the rules of democracy work in Turkish politics. While watching this with pleasure, it is impossible not to envy Adalat Valiyev, who summoned and instructed the political parties, most of which consisted of only “billboards”.
Let's see better days with Sulhaddin Akbar, the author of the speech - "I openly told Adalat Valiyev that there should be no political prisoners in Azerbaijan," for his courage.
Mayis Alizade
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