Sketch on legitimacy of renovation of the Albanian Autocephalous Church

Occupation of Azerbaijani territories by the Armenian armed forces and their liberation by the valiant Azerbaijani army led to the new political configuration inside and around Nagorno Karabakh. In regard thereto, exciting possibilities are offered for Azerbaijan to renew its historical lands.

Within this framework, of key importance is the location of Albanian churches on the liberated territory. The problem is that Armenian occupiers are doing their utmost to show these churches before the whole world as their «ancestral» roots. In the meanwhile, appeal to the world history is clearly indicative of autocephaly of the Albanian church at a certain stage. It is a different matter that the Albanian catholicosate was revoked by a rescript of the Russian Emperor, Nicholas I in 1836.

A question arises: time is ripe for preparation of documents on restoration of rights of the Albanian church, to be exact, renewal of its ancient heritage by means of restitution of autocephaly status, especially as there is the Albanian-Udi Christian community in Azerbaijan.

Perhaps, the issue might seem strange, so it’d be appropriate to give an insight into the history of our region in passing to thus prove the validity of the problem. For this to happen, it is essential to sift the question from the origin of the Armenian people and then specify Armenians’ affiliation to South Caucasus as a whole and ancient Albania with its churches, in particular.  

Appealing to I. Dyakonov’ heritage

According to the research of prominent Soviet orientalist, linguist and expert in ancient script Igor Dyakonov, «the ancient Armenian language is not cognate to languages of autochthons of Armenian Highlands (a mountainous region in the north of Western Asia – author’s note.) – Hurrians, Urartu, etc. (whereas these languages are substrate therefore) »; hence, «it was brought here from the exterior».

A single branch of «Indo-European language family the ancient Armenian language might be related to is the Thracian-Phrygians. When adjusted for the fact that common movement of Thracian-Phrygian tribes moved from west to east, «proto-Armenians made up advance guard of the movement». Hence, «it is necessary to seek proto-Armenians among Mushgs or Urums – tribes that penetrated in valleys of Upper Euphrates and Aratsani in approx. 1165 B. C.» Note that present town of Malatya (Turkey) was a capital of the satrapy («Armenia») under Achaemenides; the fact of Thracian-Phrygians in the mentioned region is acknowledged by «Phrygian monuments of of material culture».

 

It has to be kept in mind that proto-Armenians of Thracian-Phrygian language group «were not the only or main components to form the Armenian people». The ancient Armenia people had initially formed «in Upper-Euphrates valley out of three components - Hurrians, Luwians and proto-Armenians (Mushgs and possibly Urums)». In so doing, Hurrians «as more numerous made up a main mass of people and determined major line of physical continuity while for historical reasons, proto-Armenians transferred their language to the new people».

In all probability, the contribution of Luwians was of low value. Perhaps, «in the end of this period a small component – Scythians joined the ancient Armenian people». Another «numerically and culturally powerful component in the composition of the Armenian people» was Urarteans.

Of interest is another idea of Dyakonov. In particular, he pointed out that «in central and eastern Transcaucasia» there were possibly «groups of tribes supposedly related both with Hurrians and Urarteans. This group might be deemed as a group of Etiveans». A note says that «a correlation of Etiveans with Utians of classic and contemporary Armenian authors-residents of Soviet Azerbaijan, and contemporary ethnic group of Udins residing on a border between Azerbaijan asnd Georgia, is solely based on a vague similarity of names and cannot be deemed probative so far». 

Without prejudice to possible correlation between Etiveans and Utians, I. Dyakonov adds that «a term Etiuni was used in Urartu texts of the 8 century B. C. only». Also, Urartean inscriptions refer to numerous countries and tribes «in central Transcaucasia», including that formed an extensive, though unconsolidated tribal alliance. The author reveals that Herodotus (III, 94; VII, 79) «makes no reference to Armenians in XVIII satrapy but Alarodians (Urarteans) and Saspirs (Iberians of central Transcaucasia and Etiveans»?), as well as Matiens (Hurrians, III, 94)» (1/ а, б).

In this context the point is about satrapies, i.e. provinces of Achaemenid Empire and dependent territories led by satraps. Dyakonov refers to sections where Herodotus points at Urarteans, Iberians and Hurrians. The very notion «Armeniyane» (Dyakonov’s term) was not used even despite the fact that a point III, 93, i. e. Dyakonov’ preceding point refers to Utians from a district unrelated to Armenia (2).

Yes, I. Dyakonov makes no mention of the given point in his work; however, he refers to a term Etiveans in inverted commas. In so doing, he does not define concretely what he means under this composite (?) character. Herewith, associating Urarteans with Alarodians, he admits «remains of Etiveans» among them. And again, he emphasizes that «a main part of Urartean-language population lived on a territory of origin of the Armenian people siding therewith».

When it comes to Hurrians, «Etiveans» and Luwians, «a large portion of them lived outside this territory and, hence, formed no part of Armenians». A greater portion of Etiveans «was meant to form a part of Albanians in the east; of Georgians in the west; finally blended in the composition of the Armenian people within the limits of Ararat valley and adjoining territories».

 «It follows from the above, - infers I. Dyakonov, - that the history of the Armenian people is a direct continuation not only of proto-Armenians but just as much of Hurrians, Urarteans and Luwians as well». The main body of the «Armenian people consisted of their descendants; at some point, if a descendant spoke the ancient Armenian, his father, grandfather and great grandfather were mostly bilingual while their ancestor was of pure Hurrian or Urartean origin». The ancient «Armenian history might be realized as continuation of older history of Hurrians and Urarteans, as well as Luwians» (1/ а, б). It is clear that a view on proto-Armenians as autochthons of the Armenian Highlands, not of South Caucasus, «based on greater archaism of their Indo-European language comparable with languages of Hittite-Luwian group», is to be regarded «ill-founded» (3).

The point at issue is about the Armenian people, this newly formed ethnos on Armenian highlands in the end of the II – beginning of the I millennium B. C. due to the gradual junction of ancient tribes and alliances, as well as other tribes that settled here down in the end of the II millennium B. C. Note that Medes and Persians named this people as Armenians as in Armens, and their territory – Armenia. However, it is talked about alias: ancestors of Armenians occupied a territory formerly inhabited by Armens they had assimilated. Note that Greeks and Romans called this people and the place of their residence in the same manner following which ethnonym «Armenians» and oronym «Armenia» as physical-geographical expressions were widely spread.

In view of the foregoing it may be noted that ancestors of Armenians resided in the Balkans. Later on they arrived at Armenian highlands and from there to South Caucasus which was due to the first loss of the Armenian statehood in the 4 century and to the world migration flows during the Arab caliphate and Seljuk Empire along with peoples under the sway of Arabs and Seljuks. That was precise routes for a part of Armenians to settle down mainly on southern parts of the Caucasus, on historical Azerbaijani lands.

Caucasian Albania and Udins

When it comes to Udins pertaining to the Caucasian-Iberian group of the Indo-European family, they are autochthones of Azerbaijan, one of the oldest aboriginal ethnoses of Caucasus pertaining to 26 Albanian tribes that set up the Albanian state (4 century B. C. – 7 century A. D.), i.e. ancestors of the present-day Azerbaijani people.

As noted above, «father of history» Herodotus wrote about Utians in the 5 century B. C. with special emphasis on their rulers and armaments: «Utians, Mikians and Parikans were armed like Paktians. Note that Utians were headed by Arsamen, son of Darius.

Ancient historian and geographer of Roman Greece (I century B. C. - I century A.D.) Strabo emphasized Albanians’ propensity to cattle-breeding and, hence, «to nomads» and their dwelling «between Iberians and the Caspian Sea». «In the east their country abuts to the sea», in the west – to Iberians. Note that the northern side is «encircled with Caucasian mountains». Albanian «tsars are remarkable. One of them swayed over all tribes while earlier every multilingual tribe had been ruled by its own tsar. They speak 26 languages, so they find it difficult to communicate with each other» (5).

Pliny (I century) wrote: «On the right of the entry into [Caspian] sea on the edge of the strait [Scythian] there lives a Scythian tribe of Udins. It is followed by – Albanians» (6).

When describing campaigns of ancient Roman commander-in-chief Pompey, including his Caucasian marches, ancient Greek writer and philosopher Plutarch (I-II centuries) talked about lands inhabited by «Caucasian tribes»,  and among the most numerous he mentioned Albans («who live to the east of the Caspian sea») (7). Also, ancient Roman historian of Greek origin, II century Appian spoke of Albanian tsar Orosius (8).

Concerning the Armenian factor in Caucasian Albania, Russian historian and ethnographer of the 19 century Ivan Chopin emphasized that «like other peoples of different tribes» Armenians and Albanians «lived apart from each other sharing common religion of Christ». Armenians «had never been up to support their domination on banks of Kura and the Caspian sea, so during the Strabo epoch they had not a rood on this land». During the Ptolemy period (II century – author’s note) «they owned districts at the mouth of Kura (the river has its rise in the north-east of Turkey, Kars province, Armenian highlands, then flows to Azerbaijan via Georgia – author’s note.)». Note that «difference in languages» proves out multiethnicity of Armenians and Albanians that as reaffirmed by Armenian writer of the 4 or 5 century Moses Horensky: «The Armenian language grew out of use on drawing nearer the Kura banks» (9).

I. Chopin believed that during the Arsacids (tsarist dynasty of Parthian origin that ruled in Caucasian Albania in the 1-6 centuries – author’s note) Uti province included a part of present Kazakh and the whole of Shanshadil province, Elisavetpol district and north-western part of Karabakh province adjacent to the Kura River. Ancient geographers called Uti as Otena and extended it up to Araxes that separated it from Atropatakan leaving no place on the left bank for Paytakaran province (Paytakaran aytakaran is identified with Beylagan, current town on the territory of Azerbaijan – author’s note). Eastern authors called [Uti] Aran (Persian name of Albania – author’s note). Note that Kura separated Uti from the Albanian kingdom; in the east Uti had Paytarakan province stretching to the Caspian sea (10). A town of Partav (Barda) was a capital of Uti.

The «Armenian geography» of the 7 century narrates about Albania (Aguank) with its «fruit bearing fields, towns, fortresses, villages, numerous rivers and strong canes». There are a number of Albanian provinces, including Sheki (Shake). The same source refers to «Uti» unifying «7 regions owned by Albanians, including «proper Uti with a town of Partav »(11).

Sources of Christianity in Caucasian Albania

Above mentioned Chopin’s emphasis on Christian background as a single linchpin between Albanians and Armenians updates a view on sources of Christianity in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijani historian Moses Bekker (leading research worker of the Institute of Law and Human Rights of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan and political expert, deputy chairman of Baku religious community of Georgian Jews) points out that Jews appeared on the territory of modern Azerbaijan after the creation of Great Achaemenid power by Cyrus II. Next to the famous edict of Cyrus in 538 B. C., a part of Babylon exiles returned home in order to restore the Temple of Jerusalem and re-energize the country. Remaining Jews were drawn into the orbit of economic, political and social life of the new state.

The II century B. C. was marked by paving the Great Silk Road, a basic trade route connecting China with countries of Europe, Central Asia, Near and Middle East. A stretch of the road ran over the territory of Azerbaijan, «and since Jews had always pioneered in developing new markets, at that moment they missed no opportunity to drive a trade in this country». In M. Bekker’s words, Jews were residents of Caucasian Albania whereupon «many Jews residing in Azerbaijan today are genetic descendants of Jews from Caucasian Albania who, in turn, are descendants of Tribes of Israel scattered worldwide». «The fact is well documented» (12, 13).

Touching upon background to the case, Russian military engineer, linguist and ethnographer, one of the foremost Caucasian experts of the 19 century, Peter Uslar points out that «ancient inflow of Jewish population into the Transcaucasia» finds convincing confirmation in «numerous Biblical legends of this region». Beyond any doubt, Caucasian Jews maintained close relations with Palestine inasmuch as Jerusalem, particularly Solomon’s temple, preserved its sainthood for them». For this reason, they could not ignore «development of Christianity in the Roman Empire». Owing to the fact that «cornerstone of Jewish religion is based on «Messiah’ awaiting», Jews «beheld the true sense of Christianity». Luckily, in the reviewed period Caucasian Jews «maintained close relations with Palestine». Hence, «we might dwell on the fact that in the first century of Christian faith scores of Christians had come upon the territory of present Azerbaijan, including Caucasian Albania, «predominantly among local Jews» (14).

Adoption of Christianity and first churches

Information about promotion of Christianity on the territory of present Azerbaijan is provided by Albanian historian of the 7 century Moses of Kalankatuyk. It’s rather symptomatic that up to date many encyclopedias present him as Armenian scholar while Moses of Kalankatuyk wrote about «a large village of Kalankatuyk located in gavar Uti where I [come from]»(15).

Touching upon first steps of spreading Christianity in the region, he points out that «St. Apostle Thaddeus fell to us, residents of the East» who took «a sacrificial death». His disciple, «St. Elisha», was «ordained as [bishop] by St. Jacob», first patriarch of Jerusalem. Then, «after inheriting the East, from Jerusalem he headed for Persia, outwalked Armenia, came to Mazkutes and began evangelizing in [country] of Chola (now Derbent – author’s note). From there with three disciples he arrived in gavar Uti». While at Gis (Kish – author’s note), «he built a church and said mass. Our church of the Eastern country was founded in this place. And this place became a spiritual capital and a place of enlightenment for residents of the East»(16).

Chairman of the Alban-Udi Christian Religious Community of Azerbaijan, Robert Mobili provides the information in a readily understandable format. He particularized that St. Apostle Bartholomew and a disciple of St. Apostle Thaddeus ordained by Apostle Jacob Brother of the Lord in Jerusalem were first evangelists of Christianity in South Caucasus. Note that St. Elisha built a first Christian temple – mother of eastern churches in Caucasus, village of Kish». Thus, «Kish is believed to be the first-throned town and source of enlightenment» (17, 18).

Of interest is the fact that not Armenia but Caucasian Albania proved to be a first country to have adopted Christianity, ain’t that a fact? Also, it is documented in a research work by Metropolitan of Moscow and Kolomna, Makarius (1879–1882) who, with reference to visiting South Caucasus by five saint apostles, noted that «this apostle unanimously recognized by Armenians as their first apostle did not visit Armenia, especially its part currently within the limits of our homeland for the sheer fact that a town of Edessa was not located in Armenia proper but in upper parts of Syria or Mesopotamia owned by Armenia in the reviewed period. Except, perhaps, allegations of Armenian chroniclers that Thaddeus aged seventy preached 18 years (from 32 to 49) in Armenia, Major and Minor, that he died and was buried here, in a province of Shavarshan, a village of Artaz, and that even a monastery was built around grave»(19). 

It is worth reminding that in 313 Albanian tsar Urnayr in tune with the Roman Empire adopted Christianity as a state religion. In the meanwhile, «Blessed Grigorios» began enlightening Albania and got down to erecting «a church in Amaras» (16).

R. Mobili concretizes that churches in gavar Amaras and a town of Tsri (Utik) were laid down by St. Gregory the Illuminator and his grandson Grigoris respectively who was «ordained as a bishop on insistence of Albanian tsar Urnayr». Due to this, «further claims of the Armenian Church to rank above the Albanian Church are groundless, as insisted upon by R. Mobili, especially as the Albanian tradition always «emphasized its own first-thronedness». It has to be kept in mind that «hierarchically the Albanian Church was subject to the Roman Church but held ordainments in Jerusalem». Earlier 4 century, supposedly by 340, the Albanian Church became autocephalous, and since the end of the 4 century its clergy was independent in electing an Apostle (17, 18).

A serious researcher, former cleric of the Baku and Prikaspiy eparchy of the Russian Orthodox Church, hieromonach Alexis (Nikanorov) put forward factors that made it necessary to set up autocephaly of the Albanian Church. In particular, he defines «political independence of the Albanian state and aspirations of the authorities, clergy and people for political independence upon Byzantine and Persia, and canonic independence upon Church of Jerusalem». An important aspect of the issue «proved to be a historical fact of apostolic foundation of the Albanian Church». The fact that its apostles were titled as Catholicos reaffirms the autonomy of the Albanian Church: a title «Catholicos» in the Eastern Church was conferred to bishops arriving outside the boundaries of the Roman Empire. Note that these bishops enjoyed authorities of plenipotent hierarches of related laity under the canonic control of prelates». To all appearances, this title of the Albanian Church apostles «goes back either to Gregory the Illuminator or prelate Grigoris the Albanian». Alexis (Nikanorov) considers it expedient to suppose that «initially the Albanian Church enjoyed autonomy actually legalized after patriarchate formation» (20).

What is important to remember is that all the processes mentioned above happened in terms of abolition of Zoroastrianism in Caucasian Albania. Under inscriptions in Sarmeshhed (near Kazerun, Iran), «sacred fires» were instituted in Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Georgia and other regions and «sacrificers» appointed in the 3 century during the reign of Shapur I, king of kings of Iran» (Inscription in Sarmeshhed, lines 37, etc.)(21).

This refers to Zoroastrianism promotion attempts in Albania; however, this tendency went to naught as evidenced in Moses of Kalankatuyk’ works. In 457 two sons of the Persian king Yezdygerd «fell out with each other over the kingdom and began fighting. In the meanwhile, Vache, a king of Aluank, his [Iazkert] nephew, was Christian on father’s side as enacted by Urnayr. However, in after years unholy Iazkert forcedly proselyted him in Magi faith (i.e. Zoroastrianism – author’s note). And now, he believed it necessary to save himself through death in action rather than reigning by dint of apostasy» (16).

Chalcedonites and Monophysites

Account has to be taken of the fact that a status of the Albanian Church had been legalized after the 4th Ecumenical Council in 451 (Chalcedonian) which adopted resolutions of three previous Councils and condemned Arianism and Nestorianism (17).

It should be added that Chalcedonites announced Albanians as Monophysites while the latter assessed Chalcedon Council as return to Nestorianism (22).

We pursue no goal to consider a theological component in our research but we’d like to note that Armenians with their «eastern variant – Monophysitism (anti-Chalcedonism) dissociated from Byzantine and lost their strong ally-coreligionist». This enabled the Armenian Church «to become fully national and replace the statehood lost, and even unite the Armenian diaspora worldwide». Owing to the church dissent, the Chalcedon Byzantine failed to get established in Caucasus under the slogan of community of religion with Georgia even despite formidable obstacle represented by anti-Chalcedon Armenia (23).

 

When it comes to Caucasian Albania, by the time of the Aguen Council (488) convened by Albanian tsar Vachagan III the Reverend, a local church had its own archbishop (residence in Partav) and 8 eparchies. On the one hand, Aguen Council was meant to promote the independence of the Albanian Church; on the other hand, Vachagan III tried to consolidate the state authority by means of Aguen canons (24).

Note that Aguen canons with their legal status are noted for standards of legally binding property, family, criminal and judicial law; execution of sentence; evidence at law (25).

Acceptance of canonical resolution by the Council enabled the Albanian Church to enact its own jurisdiction and standards of church life.

Starting with the Dwin Council of 506 till mid-6 century, there is no direct evidence on confession of Caucasian churches. Some experts see this fact as a proxy indicator that statuses of these churches had not visibly changed throughout history, or if any, it had not been secured synodically. On the other hand, Caucasian churches differently realized «reconciling definitions of Dwin Council of 506: Georgians and thus Albanians saw the right Chalcedonism, and Armenians – right Monophysitism». During Regional Councils of 551-553 the Armenian Church with the participation of representatives of the Syrian Church officially announced the Monophysitism as its ideological option to thus specify liturgy as adequate to appropriate dogmas. That was the general assessment by Chalcedon experts of the importance of Second Dwin Council for the history of the Armenian Church (23).

An anonymous monument of the Armenian medieval literature of the 7 century (in Greek)  says that during the Dwin Council of 555 members of the Armenian Church «anathematized the saint Chalcedon Council». In 568 «they [heretics] » sent a message to Abas, Catholicos of the Albanian country as follows: «Come and join us in faith», however, «he did not join them» (26).

It ought to be noted that in mid-6 century the Armenian Church adopted an ultra-left Monophysite faith known as Julianite. In all probability, Albania did not convene a council, nor declined from Chalcedon Council or «took the path of active anti-Monophysitism». In his message (575) to Catholicos of Albanians, Abas patriarch of Jerusalem John IV demanded from him to pursue more aggressive anti-Monophysite policy (23).

Armenian literary figure and theologian of the 12-13 centuries Mhitar Gosh writes that since mid-6 century «ancient [Albanians] used to write down address as follows: «From Catholicos of Albania, Lpnik and Chor» (27). As noted by Soviet historian and art expert Kamilla Trever, in the reviewed period «territories of Chor and Lpnik as parts of Albania enjoyed an internal independence following which they were cited after mentioning Albania. There are not any evidences to this in written sources but titular of the Albanian Catholicos who is referred to in the 7 century as "Catholicos of Albania, Chor and Lpnik"»(28).

In 591, Byzantine Emperor Mauritius who owned a considerable part of Armenia (a part of Persia since 387)(29) due to a peace treaty signed with Sasanide state, instituted an alternative Chalcedon Catholicosate to alienate those Armenians from the Armenian Church who settled down on controlled lands (22).

The Third Dwin Council (607) performed a formal separation of a part of the Armenian Church from Catholic Church. That was first ever in history the presentation of separated Armenian Church (i. е. Armenian Apostolic Church, ААC). However, a part of the Armenian Church (at present, it’d be called as «Armenian-Catholics») had still maintained contacts with the catholic church. In this connection, author of the site “The Armenian Catholic Church” William Ter-Gazaryan refers to AAC archbishop Nersoyan whereby from mid-5 to mid-7 centuries when Armenia was divided between Byzantine and Persian Empires, bishops of «western part» pertained to Chalcedonites (were in contact with the catholic church) while those in the east had opposite views on the subject. As a result, disunionists predominated drawing the whole Armenian Church (AC) «into a position of separation and breach of relations with the Greek and Roman Churches». Yet, in the AC there were scores of those seeking unity with the Catholic Church (30).

Following the actual ecclesiastic controversy, patriarch of Armenia Abraham Albatanskiy (607-615) in his encyclical message anathematized Georgia and Albania. In so doing, he permitted his flock to maintain trade relations with them only (23).

In 630/633, during the Karin Council Armenian priesthood «vowed not to reject [Chalcedon Council] by signing [vow] with their own hand» (26).

However, Moses Kalankatuyk’s evidence that primate of the Albanian Church Nerses I Bakur (elected in 689) ruled «righteously on Hayrapet throne for fourteen years, and as heretic – for three years and half», is indicative of actual struggle in Albania between supporters and opponents of Monophysitism. As evidenced by the Albanian historian, earlier 8 century Nerses «returned to the usual abomination which he expected for so long», namely, by accepting [Chalcedon] «infection»(31). 

But that was Albanian Church’ suspension of relations with split («apostate») Armenian Church that allowed Albanian churchmen to get ordained in situ (Catholicosate institution). Moreover, Syunik formerly under jurisdiction of the Armenian Church passed to the ordainment of the Albanian Catholicosate (22).

Armenian complaint against the Albanian Church

It was natural that the situation as it had developed did not sit well with the Armenian party, and when the South Caucasus fell under the power of Arab caliphate, Catholicos of Armenia Elias forwarded a complaint to 5 caliph from Omayyad dynasty, Abd al-Malik Amir Mumin (705): «From now on, Catholicos of Aluank in Partav (Albanian Catholicos Nerses I Bakur in Barda – author’s note) agreed with the Emperor of Romans» (i. e. Byzantine – author’s note) about the same religion with him. Know about it, don’t ignore it». In reply, the caliph tells Elias: «I’ll send you my faithful servant with a numerous army to punish them in Partav in your presence »(32).

It ought to be noted that the caliphate backed Christians- Monophysites: the doctrine of Monophysitism within the framework of intra-Christian confessional aspect countered Orthodox Byzantine (Diophisites-Chalsedonites). As for relations with Byzantine, Arabs pursued their own goals. As a result, having the backing of the caliph «Armenian Elias headed for Aluank’s great town Partav, «sat down at the central church and ordered to bring Nerses». The latter «tortured heavily and then deported to alien land; however, refused food for eight days and died». At the same time Elias inspired a false letter allegedly from the Albanian Church in his name which said that although earlier «our Catholicoses have been ordained by our bishops, from now on ordainment in Catholicos of Aluank is to be made via the altar of St. Grigor» (i. e. Armenian Church – author’s note) «with our sanction though»(31).

According to the Russian historiographer of the end of the 19 century, Alexander Anninskiy, «owing to treasons of some Agvans and disgracefulness of Catholicos Elias, Orthodox Oecumenical faith in Albania was eradicated». In so doing, «Agvania was obliged to follow anti-Chalcedon faith and recognize an opponent of Chalcedon Council as Catholicos, and bow to the rule of the Armenian Catholicos». Simeon who took over Nerses liquidated all books of his predecessor allegedly full of heresy». Protégé of the «Armenian Catholicos», Simeon «sought to reduce freedoms of Aguan flock and ensure success of Monophysite»(33).

Alexis (Nikanorov) writes that being backed by the caliphate, the Armenian Church got down to displacing the Albanian clergy from their positions through «intensive ethnic, cultural and religious Armenization of Albanians» (34), i. e. ethnocide of Albanians. As a result, the Albanian Church faced the loss of its independence and began re-subordinating to the Armenian Catholicosate.

Some researchers note that in conformity with council acts of the eastern-Syrian church, works of church historians and other sources, 21 episcopates were revealed on the territory of northern Adurbadagan vicariate,  10 of which for Azerbaijan proper. These included Partav that turned into Nestorian metropolitan since 900.

The Treaty of Turkmenchay

Formally  the Albanian Catholicosate (with residence in Gandzasar) dragged out till 1836 where it was abolished by rescript of Nicolas I and Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church which put an end to the nominal existence of the Albanian Church while appropriate laities were re-subordinated to Echmiadzin Catholicosate. However, Raffi confessed that the people of Caucasian Albania «used to live independently upon Echmiadzin and have its own spiritual administration as was in the case of Agvank Catholicosate» (55/б).

One of the major reasons of the situation at hand lies in the fact that under the Treaty of Turkmenchay (February 1828) that crowned a war between Russia and Kadjar Iran, «Persian Shah on his behalf and on behalf of his heirs and successors» granted «the Erivan khanate and the Nakhchivan khanate» to Russia. Article XIV stipulated that «mutual subjects might settle and live wherever they want on condition that a related government gives its permission» (57). This was about the migration of Persian Armenians to the territory of the Russian Empire, South Caucasus area. These developments occurred in terms of transformation of Erivan and Nakhchivan khanates into the Armenian province in March 1828.

It is worth reminding that the Russian Minister-Resident (Ambassador) to Persia, well-known Russian writer of the 19 century Alexander Griboyedov pointed out that the migration campaign was entrusted on Caucasian Chief Commander Ivan Paskevich’s adjutant Lazar Lazarev, a representative of the Armenian family of Lazarevs who migrated to Russia from Persia in the 18 century, and Moses Argutinsky, a grandson of Joseph Argutinsky-Dolgoruky. In March 1828 Lazarev persuaded Persian Armenians that «generous monarch of Russia provides a reliable, safe and fortunate shelter in his state. You will be supplied with abundant fertile lands … and exempt from any duties for six years, and the poorest of you will be aided. You will be naturalized and find a new homeland inhabited by Christians. And your sacred faith will be no longer suppressed!»(58).

А. Griboyedov pointed out that L. Lazarev intended «to form a regular Armenian volunteer corps... to deal with Karabakh and other areas». «In most cases Armenians settled down on Moslem landed estates, - wrote А. Griboyedov, - settlers are pressing out Moslems who repine against them»(59).

In September 1828, А. Griboyedov and civil governor of Georgia Petr Zaveleyskiy submitted a «Russian Transcaucasian company» project. A. Griboyedov and P. Zaveleyskiy voiced their preparedness «to accept Armenian families incapable of sustaining themselves». In so doing, they insisted on advancing money «as a loan at the expense of the company to meet needs of the said Armenians» (60).

Thus, this stage was marked by mass settlement of purely Azerbaijani lands by Persian Armenians. Prominent Soviet and Azerbaijani orientalist Ziya Bunyatov noted that «in 1978 an obelisk was installed in a village of Maraga or Maragashen (modern Leninavan) of Agdere region of Nagorno Karabakh in honor of 150-anniversary of migration of first 200 Armenian families from Maraga (South Azerbaijan) to lands of Karabakh»(61). The village was named in honor of moptherlasnd of settlers– a town of Maraga in Persia. In these days a word «Maraga» and a number «150» are missing on the obelisk though its photograph remained undamaged (62).

Rescript of Nicholas I

In conformity with Russian historical sources of the 19 century, following «Echmiadzin’ joining the Empire in 1828, the Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos has asserted in Russia». This «delegated rights and authorities conjugated with his rank exclusively and solely to Russian government’s guardianship.

Consequently, Sovereign Emperor (Nikolas I – author’s note.), in the best interests of the Armenian Church and to consolation of the Haykan people (Armenian – author’s note) decided to strengthen credibility of the Echmiadzin throne in the form of government entity. In this connection Provisions on Armenian-Gregorian Church Administration in Russia approved on March 11, 1836 included «all favors and rights of the Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos» (63).

American historian Paul Wert notes that first ever after the Mongolian invasion in 1220 «Echmiadzin found itself in a country led by Christian monarch». As distinct from other patriarchs and catholicoses «as subjects of Islamic Empire», a head of Echmiadzin became a subject of the Russian Emperor. Under P. Wert, «when adjusted for the fact that Catholicos had historical grounds to lay claims to the spiritual power over all adherents of the Armenian Apostolic (Gregorian) Church irrespective of their residence, the Imperial government enjoys an unprecedented instrument to influence Armenian communities of Persia and Turkey. Throughout 19 century it made great efforts to support and increase authority of Catholicos with a view of expanding the Russian influence beyond southern boundaries» (64).

According to the Russian researcher, Ivan Ambartsumov, «liberation from the yoke of Moslem Persia and transition to the scepter of Christian Russia was taken by most Armenian population as conclusive blessing». The authorities needed «to reinforce this belief among the Armenian people and excite sympathies to Russia among Armenians in Persian and Turkish citizenship». For this to happen, «it was important to make the Armenian-Gregorian church a stanch ally of the Russian state». The said considerations were taken into account «when drafting Principles of Armenian-Gregorian Church administration in Russia, 1836». Authors of the Principles «tried to cover, as much as possible, historical traditions of the Armenian church within the framework of the existing legal system»(65). 

One cannot ignore the fact that under the said Provisions the Armenian Apostolic Church had first been titled as «Armenian-Gregorian» after the first bishop of Armenia Grigor the Illuminator. AS viewed by some researchers, the goal was to prevent naming the Armenian Church as Orthodox. Under Armenian sources, «national public opinion» met a name «Armenian-Gregorian» with a mixed reception, for the church lost «its nature of direct apostolic heritage» (66).

It should be stated that provisions stipulating activities of the Armenian Apostolic Church in the Russian Empire divided Armenian parishes of the country into six eparchies: Nakhchivan and Bessarabia (together with St. Petersburg, Moscow, governorates of Novorossiysk and Bessarabia provinces), Astrakhan, Erivan, Georgian, Karabakh (Karabakh proper, Sheki and Talyshin zones) and Shirvan (Shirvan proper, Quba, Baku and Derbent zones). Thus, Albanian autocephalous church was liquidated. 

Note that the Armenian Gregorian Church was ruled by Echmiadzin patriarch as Supreme Catholicos of «Haykan people» (67). 

After 1836, says R. Mobili, the Albanian Church was abolished both actually and legally, and its property given to the Armenian party. Also, many churches were closed; liturgical service performed in the Armenian language only as was the case in Udin seminaries. Albanians-Christians, including Udins, had to adopt Gregorianism and get confessed at eparchies of the Echmiadzin Church. This resulted «in cultural and ideological assimilation of some Albanians».

In the meanwhile, aggressive appropriation of the «Albanian ethnic and cultural heritage and its transformation into Armenian one» made by Echmiadzin with the help of tsarist Russia together with «dismantlement of churches for Albanians-Christians» led to their «de-ethnization». As a mark of protest, Udis declined from attending these churches and preferred to confess at home following which they managed to preserve their national identity (68, 69).

It should be acknowledged that the Armenization of Albanians clearly manifested itself in memories of priest of the Russian Orthodox Church, philosopher and poet of the 19 century Paul Florensky. Touching upon his nationality, he wrote that his mother Salomia (Salome) Pavlovna Sattarova (named Olga) came from the family of Sattarovs going back to «several Armenian families pertaining to the branch called «Albans» (70).

Step-by-step the Armenian Church intensified its activities in an attempt to conceal traces of the Albanian-Udin culture and literature; with that end in view, Armenians destroyed old archives, including those of the ancient Albanian Church. Ancient chronicles and books were burn, domestic and farm utensils, items of value destroyed, 2,000 years old cultural and religious experience of ordainment broken. Enormous spiritual riches of the Azerbaijani culture, including Udin heritage, was irretrievably lost (71.).

It has to be recalled that since 1854 teaching in Oghuz and Nij was conducted in the Armenian language only which greatly damaged the Udi language. Armenian teachers persuaded students that Udins should be grateful to the Armenian people for faith, written language and churches (72). Despite of all sorts of precautions, Udin, in R. Mobili words, contrived to preserve their cultural and spiritual paradigm. An eloquent testimony to this is obvious dissimilitude between the Albanian and Armenian Churches. For instance, different heights of entrance aperture and absis parts of churches.

At the same time, after 1836 «Echmiadzin built in flagstones of fine-grained crystalline limestone from deposits of Nagorno Karabakh with Armenian inventory notation on walls and entrance part of churches». Of interest is the fact that quartenary travertine from unique Nidj deposit unprecedented for the Caucasus were used as construction material for all Albanian worship houses of the region, including Kish church and other historical monuments of Kura left bank area». These materials are noted for «оcement composition and waiting-on-cement setting»(17, 18).

Where do things stand today?

Thus, a short excursus to the church history of Caucasian Albania and inquiry into fragments of the Udin history makes it possible to review the situation around liberation of Armenia-occupied historical lands with the help of the valorous Azerbaijani army from today’s perspective, including the return of Albanian Church’s own jurisdiction.

As R. Mobili pointed out a few years ago, today the time has come for rebirth of the Albanian Autocephalous Patriarchate Church and return of Udins to their fold. Since gaining of Azerbaijan’s independence, a new period has started in the history of the restoration of the Albanian Church’ status within the framework of democratic transformations. Note that the restoration of the Udin Church and the religious life of the Udin ethnos as a whole is underway. Suffice it to remind that the Albanian-Udin Christian community of Azerbaijan was registered in 2003.

The revival of the Albanian Apostolic Autocephalous Church makes it possible to preserve our history and territory, and nobody dares to lay any claims to our lands and territorial integrity, says R. Mobili. In his words, the church history is abounding in instances of liquidation of existing churches and appearance of new ones, for example, Ohrid Autocephalous Church, Albanian and Bulgarian Churches, etc. «Contributing to our revival are parishioners, Udin-Christians, successors to this powerful ethno-confessional religion who feel the need in shaping their religious life», said R. Mobili. Hence, there is a real opportunity of transforming the Albanian-Udin Christian community into the Albanian Church of Azerbaijan as «legal successor to the Albanian Autocephalous Apostolic Church». Church service, language and liturgy may be performed «on the basis of the Udin language with an Albanian-Udin ordained priest».

 

Of interest here are Z. Alexidze’ words of using the updated Albanian language as the liturgical one in the Albanian Church. To R. Mobili’ thinking, the Albanian clergy «must enjoy ordainment with Jerusalem or rather Antioch cathedra». Ordainment is a procedure, specifically in Christianity through which a person is ordained. R. Mobili emends that five representatives of the Albanian-Udin Christian Community of Azerbaijan, him included, had already been baptized in the Jordan river. A question is in the ordainment, following which the priesthood elect a head of the church within the framework of their community».

A problem solving technique lies, to R. Mobili’s thinking, in preserving Udis, «one of the aborigines of Azerbaijan with their rich ethnic-cultural heritage and legal successor to Christianity of Caucasian Albania». In this vein, it’d be relevant to declare territories of Udis compact settlement as «open-air museum». «We, Udis as one of the oldest linear descendants of Caucasian Albans, - writes R. Mobili, - are a part of the Azerbaijani people and concurrently sole legal successors and bearers of Christianity of Caucasian Albania». «Two or three are sufficient to pass a rank of consecration», says the head of the community (17, 18, 69, 73).

To sum up, it’d be appropriate to run back over what has been said by Bishop of Baku and Prikaspiy Alexander: «From standpoint of canonic law, the rescript [1836] is not legitimate. The question is that the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) during St. Petersburg period of the Russian history felt a stunning blow and suffered from illegitimate acts of the tsarist government. Cited as example was the abolition of the administration of church hierarchy – patriarchate by arbitrary act of Peter the First that disemboweled the ROC for 200 years. Mention may be made of other acts of the tsarist government which imploded Church’s reputation and led to the spiritual degradation of the nation. This notwithstanding, it became possible to revive patriarchate in 1917».

To sum up, «liquidation of the Armenian Apostolic Church is contrary to standards of canonic law, so it is impossible to recognize its legitimacy. At one time, self-dependence of the Bulgarian Autocephalous Church was undermined by complex political processes; however, in mid-20 century its autocephaly was restored. In the meanwhile the Albanian Church, I don’t mean Caucasian Albania but Mediterranean Albania. All the priesthood was repressed and temples destroyed. This notwithstanding, the Albanian church returned to life. Anything is possible. The key step is Christians, heirs to this religion seeking to formalize the religious life»(74). God grant it!

It should be noted that in 900 a town of Sabrisho, Nestorian metropolitan of Barda (Partav), took part in electing Catholicos John (900-905). In the reviewed period, from 899 to 902, Yunan served as Albanian Catholicos. In 999, it was Elias, Metropolitan of Barda. Note that Nestorian Church acted in Barda till the 14 century obeying the Holvan metropolitan (35).

Writing system and language of Church

Armenian chronicler of the 5 century Koryun noted that author of the Armenian alphabet Mesrop Mashtots «inquired into barbarian words of the Aluan (Albanian – author’s note) language, and then due to his God-given astute insight created writs (for Aluans) and by the grace of Christ evaluated, placed in context and specified everything». Albanian «bishop and tsar agreed to accept the alphabet and issued an order as follows: bring teens from different gavars and localities for learning, gather them together and then distribute by groups at schools and other proper places »(36).

Koryun’s emphasis on learning Albanian words as set out by М. Mashtots offered Elias Okromchedelov-Serebryakov (last quarter of the 19 century), a teacher from Lazarev Institute of Oriental languages, an opportunity to conclude that «he deals with the Albanian alphabet not as its author but renovator of erstwhile». Hence, he infers that Albania «had alphabet and awareness of science prior to Mesrop» (37).

Being roughly on the same page in mid-20 century was Soviet linguist and expert in Caucasian studies, George Klimov who held that «a complex of issues on the origin of specific alphabets calls for extreme caution». For this reason, «there is a view even in Armenology following which Mesrop Mashtots could have been a reformer of the Armenian writing but not its creator».

In so doing, G. Klimov pointed out that «researchers of the Agvanian alphabet» perpetually emphasized its striking accord with «phonological systems» primarily of the Udi language. As a whole, he wrote, «statistical structure of the Agvanian text proves to be very close the Udin one»(38/а).

It is worth remembering that the discovery of Caucasian-Albanian manuscripts in the collection of medieval palimpsests of the Convent of St. Catherine in Sinai, 1996 (pioneer – Georgian historian, Armenologist and linguist Zaza Alexidze) and their essential deciphering verified a hypothesis that the Caucasian-Albanian (Agvanian) language «is a historical ancestor of the Udin language». In view of the foregoing, Russian linguist Timur Maysak tends to specify the Agvanian language as factor «predominating in Caucasian Albania during its golden age (round 4 to 7 centuries)» and functioning as «liturgical language»(39/а).

Z. Alexidze made it clear that «the discovery of the full Lectionary in the Albanian writing and language explicitly specifies that there was a developed Christian written language in Albania».  As viewed by the Georgian researcher, the language of the Albanian Lectionary «based independently on the currently lost Greek Lectionary» was nearest to the Udi language both lexically, phonetically and grammatically among today’s Caucasian languages». Given that, «there is opportunity to introduce the reconstructed Albanian language as a language of sacred worship at the restored Albanian church» (40).

 «The Albanian text must serve as a monument of the ecclesiastical written language», infers Z. Alexidze (41).

In turn, Yuri Koryakov, a Russian linguist, expert in linguistic maps and atlases of geographical classification of languages, in his map «The Agvanian language in the Middle Ages» puts Nagorno Karabakh in the area of distribution of the Albanian language (Barda, Gyandja, Oghuz and Gabala regions of Azerbaijan included)(42). No comments. 

The snag is that the beginning of Arab caliphate’s patronage over the Armenian Church when the Church of Caucasian Albania had finally lost its independence and its Catholicos were ordained by the Armenian throne, divine service in Albanian Churches was held in the Armenian language and the use of non-Armenian liturgical books interdicted, according to T. Maysak. Even worse, books in the Caucasian-Albanian language ceased to be re-written and the written language sponged out; manuscripts of the 5-7 centuries burned or pulled, texts washed out «to write new texts in other languages» (39/б).

To Klimov’s thinking, at this stage «not so much unfavorable political destiny of Agvania and Islam as early and strong competition by the Armenian language led to the removal of the Agvanian written language». However, «it is hard to agree with an idea of Armenization of Udins in the 8 century that embraced separate groups directly neighboring on Armenian-language area»(38/ б).

An eloquent testimony to the above is the opinion of Arab geographer and traveler of 10 century, Ibn Haukal: «Residents of Barda speak Arranian»(43). According to the Arab sources, under Arranian was meant an Udin-Caucasian-Albanian linguistic component. It’s another matter that Y. Koryakov speaks about permanent reduction of the «territory of the Agvanian language suppressed by the Armenian language from the south»(42).

It should be added that according to research works of Soviet and Azerbaijani linguist, historian, specialist in Caucasian studies and the Udin language, as well as expert in the language of Agvan (Albanian) inscriptions of Udin origin, Voroshil Gukasyan (Udi by nationality), «an interesting manuscript named Fundamentals of grammar in the Agvan language written in Armenian letters“ Unknown date» kept in manuscript collection (N "Armenica" С-7) of Leningrad branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. In 1842, collegiate councillor of Echmiadzin Armenian-Gregorian Synod, Tovma Korganov handed it over, together with other manuscripts on Caucasian Albania, to the Russian Imperial Academy.

It must be acknowledged that there about 150 Udin words, paradigms of noun declension, verb conjugation, phraseology, sentences and finally (on 19 sheets) a list of 43 words and their translation into the Armenian language. In other words, «contrary to the heading, the manuscript deals with vocabulary of the Udin language. In all probability, the author was in the dark about the Udin and Agvan languages». The first Udin vocabulary of 322 words was issued in St. Petersburg, 1853 titled «Vocabulary of commonly used terms of Caucasian Udis with translation into Russian»(44). 

On meliks and otherwise

The 12-13 centuries in Karabakh were marked by uplift of Hachen principality ruled by Hasan Jalal, an offspring of Albanian princes of Mihranid family. Ancient monastery of Gandzasar (built in mid-10 century) served as ancestral burial vault of Hachen rulers of Jalalids. On insistence of Albanian patriarch Nerses in 1238, Hasan Jalal raised Gandzasar Cathedral defined as «Patronal Cathedral of Albania». Having lost political power, representatives of Jalalid family that reigned in Hachen till 10 century became spiritual masters of the country, Patriarchs and Catholicoses of independent Albanian Church (45).

When it comes to the 14 century, church records of the head of the Armenian Church from 1763 to 1780, Catholicos Simeon Yerevantsi shed light on certain events in the reviewed period. Based on documents kept in archives of Echmiadzin Monastery, he wrote numerous religious, philosophical and historical works. To his thinking, dealing with the results of campaigns of outstanding military commander and political figure Timur in South Caucasus in 1386-1387 he refers to the fact that «native Agvans» were migrated by «unclean Tamerlane to Kandagar». There was «an insignificant number» of Albanians in the country. It is not figures meant by S. Yerevantsi under «insignificant number» of native Albanians but the fact that «owing to the destruction of the Armenian country» by Timur, «Armenians that left their lands, dispersed and then gathered in [the country of Agvank]» (46).

The facts cited above are indicative that Armenians were not indigenous population of Caucasian Albania but Agvans with their own cultural and spiritual life on the territory of Nagorno Karabakh In the 15 century Albanian apanage possessors from Hasan Jalal family self-described as meliks which happened in the period of the Azerbaijani state of Gara Goyunlu, under Jakhan-shah. Note that Karabakh possessors came to Jakhan-shah to recognize his authority informing him about split of Hasan Jalal family into five branches. They asked him to confer a title to each of them and thus suppress dissensions and get support from Gara Goyunlu state. Jakhan-shah answered their appeal and gave titles of melik to each of five possessors from Hasan-Jalal family. After that, all of them announced themselves as meliks (47).

Thus, a single domain of Hasan Jalal was divided into 5 Albanian AACs, small autonomous principalities, and it was indisputable that all of them were of Albanian origin. It is no mere coincidence that Azerbaijanis as their direct offspring are named Melik-Yeganov, Melik-Aslanov.

Of interest is the fact that Hasan Jalal and his descendants patronized monasteries and Albanian patriarch altar in Gandzasar which, in words of Armenian historian P. Arutyunyan, «pursued independent from Echmiadzin policy up to the 1630s until Echmiadzin was owned by patriarchs natives of Syunik desert. At that period the Gandzasar patriarchs recognized Echmiadzin’s supremacy and voiced their preparedness to obey it»(46). 

As a consequence, in 1691 possessors of Djraberd in charge of Upper Hachen completed the construction of monastery «Yerek Mankuk» («Three youths») and proclaimed a new Catholicos in the certainty that the first minister of religion of Albania would rule therefrom.

It bears repeating that the Gandzasar Catholicos was under full control of Echmiadzin, so some Albanian Patriarchs did not want to be ruled by Echmiadzin. Thus, Albanian Catholicos Israel (1728-1763) disobeyed the Echmiadzin Catholicos. To confirm this fact, P. Arutyunyan refers to a letter of Israel addressed to Georgian tsar Irakly II. Israel establishes his claims to the throne through qualifying «Karabakh and Gyandja Armenians as Agvans» and emphasizing an ethnic difference between Agvans and Armenians». In turn, Simeon Yerevantsi specifies that «In their native environs Agvans largely preserved Christian faith and titled themselves as Udins [Utians]». Also, scores of Armenians go on migrating «thereto»(46). As a matter of fact, in a letter to Peter the First Udi wrote: «We are Agvans and...Utians»(48).

Russia’s support of Armenian claims to Albanian Church

Since the 17 century Catholicoses of the Albanian Church were accommodated at Hachen temple Yeritsmankats. This being said, heads of Astrakhan eparchy (1717) of the Armenian Apostolic Church were ordained (since 1749) by Gandzasar Catholicosate, not Echmiadzin. In this connection, Catholicos of the Armenian Church (Echmiadzin) Simeon in his contakion (1766) described Russian Armenians as «one of the most remarkable peoples worldwide - «our Gaykan people» emphasizing a key role of Catholicos in Echmiadzin as «Patriarch of all Armenians», pronounced that none of Albanian Catholicoses «can be titled as Catholicos of all Armenians», since «they enjoy no authority outside their eparchies». As a result, he characterized those residing currently «in the country of Agvan» as Armenians pertaining to «Gregorian confession».

Hereafter, Simeon cited facts of non-obedience Albanian Catholicoses, particularly, Israel who «declined from arriving at sacred Echmiadzin», refused «to go to Gandzasar» and «rose against us». That’s why Echmiadzin disfrocked him of «patriarchal rank» and instead exalted Hovannes who «was sent to Gandzasar altar». The latter was bestowed with «legal» (canonical) «contakion on the name of house of Agvanian (ordering) him to submit» and inform Albanians about liability to recognize the Catholicos of Echmiadzin as «their Father and ruler». For this reason the Albanian House could not independently appoint Catholicoses» by sending throne pretenders to Echmiadzin, to the «Great Catholicos of all Armenians» to get chrismatory and a rank of Catholicos to the country of Agvans» (49).

In so doing, Simeon hoped to be supported by means of the Russian Empress Catherine the Great. He forwarded a message to her as saying: «Unlucky Armenia is in wretched plight. The whole nation is hopeful of patriarchate only». We earnestly ask you to provide conditions for us to live under the authority of Echmiadzin, i. e. Armenian Apostolic Church (50).

In other words, the question was of Petersburg’s recognition of Russian Armenians as eparchy of Echmiadzin. In her answer message of 1768 the Russian Empress promised to support «the whole honest folk of Armenians» and permitted «Patriarch Simeon and his successors residing in our Russian Empire to perform his duties in due order….» (51).

Consequentially, in 1773 archbishop Joseph (Ovsep) Argutinsky-Dolgoruky was appointed a head of Astrakhan eparchy of the Armenian Church that included all Armenian communities on the territory of Russia. However, Simeon was dissatisfied with the situation. In 1806, Albanian Patriarch Izrael (Israel) in a letter to the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian troops in the Caucasus, Ivan Gudovich stressed that «Ararat Patriarchs had nothing in common with the Albanian Church», for it had always been subordinated to the Amars Patriarch»(52).

The point at issue is about a monastery Amaras as a residence of Catholicos of the Albanian Church in Nagorno Karabakh. Under a tsarist edict of 1815 the rank of Albanian Patriarch-Catholicos was abolished, and since that time a primate of the Albanian Church as Metropolitan. Appropriate information might be distilled from Raffi, Armenian writer and poet, author of historical novels of the 19 century. First of all, it’d be appropriate to dwell on some provisions of Kurekchay treatise of 1805 - Act of «Nationality» of Karabakh khanate of the Russian Empire as approved by «Imperial Certificate».

Obligated «to pay 8, 000 chervonets annual tribute to Khan of Karabakh, Ibrahim Halil-khan» was granted a rank of Lieutenant-General; elder son and heir Mamat Asan-aga (Magomed Hasan – author’s note) a rank of Major-General; middle son, Megti Aga (Mehtigulu – author’s note.), a rank of Major-General; younger son, Khanlar Aga, a rank of Colonel, and all of them provided with wages totaling 8 405 r. 80 kop in silver»(53).

Under the treaty, «Ibrahim-khan Shushinskiy and Karabagskiy announced about «non-recognition of other autocracy above me and my successors but supreme power» of the Russian Emperor and his successors».

In turn, the Russian authorities granted «warranty for preserving the integrity» of all domains of Ibrahim-khan as saying that the khan and his descendants «entering the khanate» will be guaranteed with «investiture» with due regard for their recognition of «supreme and single authority» of Russian tsars. Petersburg promised to protect Ibrahim-khan and his heirs «perpetually in Shusha khanate together with» trial management and revenues from his possessions»(54).

However, in 1806 Ibrahim-khan was killed by lieutenant-colonel of the Russian army Lisanevich, so the Karabakh-khanate was headed by Mehtigulu-khan.    

Now let’s look at the Raffi’ work under which, after death of Albanian Patriarch Israel in 1808, his enemy Sargis decided to «again ascend the throne of Catholicos of Asgvank». On the basis of the foregoing, there is no need in going deep into this internecine feud, so it’d be more important to focus on controversy between Sargis and Echmiadzin that arose due to self-conceit of Sargis (55/а).

By some accounts, Sergiy II (Sargis) of Gandzasar became a primate of the Albanian Church in 1810 (56). Raffi says that at one time Sargis «gave his promise» to Echmiadzin «not to use the title and the seal of the Catholicos but limit himself to the title and the seal of the Archbishop. In this way, he gained pastorship over Ahpat monastery». However, when he returned to Karabakh, he again titled himself as the Catholicos of Agvank and went on enjoying Catholicos privileges» which stirred up discontent of Echmiadzin». However, notes Raffi, Sargis «not only ignored the demand but having recourse to Ibrahim-khan’s successor Mehti-khan declared himself absolutely independent upon Echmiadzin». This «internecine dissention» continued till 1815 «until the supreme spiritual authority of Echmiadzin with the help of Russians» forced Sargis out «to decline from the title of Catholicos and assume the title of Metropolitan with rights of Archbishop. That was the story of Agvank Catholicosate» (55/а).

---

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25.Руслан Курбанов. Исторические предпосылки принятия агуэнских канонов

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26.Повествование о делах армянских

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27.Мхитар Гош. Албанская хроника

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28.К. В. Тревер. Очерки по истории и культуре Кавказской Албании IV в. до н.э.- VII в.н.э

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29.См. подр.: История Византии. Том 1

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30.Уильям Тер-Газарян. История Армянской Католической Церкви

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31.Мовсес Каланкатуаци. История страны Алуанк

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32.Мовсес Каланкатуаци. История страны Алуанк

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33.Александр Аннинский. История Армянской Церкви (до XIX века)

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34.Иеромонах Алексий (Никоноров). История христианства в Кавказской Албании

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35.См. подр.: Сара Касумова. О христианстве в средневековом Азербайджане

https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/o-hristianstve-v-srednevekovom-azerbaydzhane

36.Корюн. Житие Маштоца

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37.Окромчеделов-Серебряков И. Л. Об изобретении грузинского алфавита //  Труды V Археологического съезда в Тифлисе 1881 г. Москва, 1887. С. 228

38.Г. А. Климов. К состоянию дешифровки агванской (кавказско-албанской) письменности // Вопросы языкознания. - М. , 1967. - N 3. Май-июнь. 

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39.Майсак Т. А. К публикации кавказско-албанских палимпсестов из Синайского монастыря // Вопросы языкознания. - М. , 2010. - N 6.

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40.Алексидзе Заза. Предварительное сообщение об идентификации и дешифровке албанского текста, обнаруженного на Синайской горе

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41.Заза Алексидзе Обнаружена письменность Кавказской Албании

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42.Ю. Б. Коряков. Атлас кавказских языков. М., 2006. С. 19; приложение N 15

43.Ибн-Хаукаль. Книга путей и царств

https://antitopor.com/historical_documents/ibn-haukal.-iz-knigi-putej-i-carstv.html

44.Ворошил Гукасян. Удинско-азербайджанско-русский словарь. Издательство "Элм". Баку, 1974. С. 17-18

45.Гандзасарский монастырский комплекс. Историческая справка // «История Азербайджана по документам и публикациям» (под ред. З. Буниятова)

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46.Симон Ереванци. Джамбр

http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus14/Erevanci/framepred1.htm

47.Интервью с член-корреспондентом НАН Азербайджана, профессором Фаридой Мамедовой

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48.Архив ВПР, МИД СССР, ф. «Сношения России с Арменией», 1724, № 4, л. 27. Цит. по: Арутюнян П. Т. Борьба армянского и азербайджанского народов в 20-х годах XVIII века за присоединение к России // Ученые записки института востоковедения, Том 3. 1951

http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/Dokumenty/Kavkaz/XVIII/1720-1740/Borba_arm_az_voss_ross_1722_1724/frametext.htm  49.Раб Иисуса Христа Симеон всеобщий католикос и верховный патриарх всех армян Апостольской церкви Христовой, а также вселенского и всеобщего великого престола святого Эчмиадзина

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50.Послание католикоса Симеона I Ереванци Екатерине II

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51.Грамота от е. и. в, к армянскому патриарху Симеону

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52.Акты, собранные Кавказскою археографическою комиссиею. Архив Главного управления наместника Кавказского. Том III. Тифлис, 1869, С. 79-80

53.С. М. Броневский. Историческия выписки о сношениях России с Персиею, Грузиею и вообще с горскими народами, в Кавказе обитающими, со времен Ивана Васильевича доныне

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54.Кюрекчайский трактат

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55Раффи. Меликства Хамсы

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б/http://armenianhouse.org/raffi/novels-ru/khamsa/AACs35_40.html

Предстоятели Албанской церкви

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57.Туркманчайский мирный договор между Россией и Ираном

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58.Обращение Л. И. Лазарева к армянам Персии. 1828 г. марта 30 

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59.А. С. Грибоедов. Записка о переселении армян из Персии в наши области

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60.Записка об учреждении Российской закавказской компании

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61.Буниятов З. Предисловие к книге: Есаи Хасан-Джалалян.Краткая история страны албанской (1702–1722)

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62.Гусейнов Р. Разрушение памятника в честь 150-летия переселения армян в Карабах

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63.Журнал Министерства народного просвещения. Часть XL. Санкт-Петербург, 1873. VI. Обозрение книг и журналов. VI. История всеобщая и русская. С.  267-268

64.Пол Верт. Глава церкви, подданный императора: армянский католикос на перекрестке внутренней и внешней политики империи, 1828-1914.

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65.Амбарцумов Иван. Неправославные христианские исповедания в

системе российской государственности (конец XIX в. – июль 1914 г.)

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66.Армянская апостольская церковь

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67.Высочайше утвержденное положение об управлении делами Армяно-Григорианской церкви в России, опубликованный 10 апреля. 11 марта 1836 года // ПСЗРИ. Собр. 2-е. Т. 11. Часть 1. СПб., 1837 г. N 8970. С. 194-195; 200

68.Роберт Мобили. Албанская церковь и армянская фальсификация

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69.Доклад Роберта Мобили на конференции «1700-летие принятия христианства в Дербенте как государственной религии Кавказской Албании»

http://udi.az/articles/0203.html

70.Священник Флоренский Павел. Детям моим. Воспоминания прошлых лет

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71.Фардин Исазаде. Арменизация Албанских церквей и уничтожение мечетей Карабаха или Азан, с которого начинается Родина

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72.Ширин Манафов. Аборигены Кавказа. История удин — потомков древних албанцев, должна быть очищена от привнесенного армянами

http://udi.az/articles/0038.html

73.Рустам Керимов. На Кавказе восстановят Албанскую церковь

http://udi.az/articles/0450.html

74.«История есть история и никуда от нее не деться…». Интервью Епископа Бакинского и Прикаспийского Александра научно-публицистическому альманаху "The history of Caucasus"

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