HEYDAR ALIYEV. THE SECOND RISE

The book `From freedom to tyranny` by former press secretary of Turkish embassy in Baku Turgut Er totally destroys an idolatry in Azerbaijan. The former head of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev is target of his attacks, the person which has been declared by the Azerbaijan authority an earthy deity.
For those who carries on a breast badge with an image or Aliev`s personal signature, and assiduously bowing to its marble sculptures, it is only a fetish. It is used for satisfaction of the mercantile needs, a size of which depends on a place of a person in the power.
Тurgut Er, a former diplomat who worked in Baku from 1993 to 2001, describes events referring to facts.
What became a reason of occurrence of these facts and events, what were behind them and what were motives? A range of such questions can be continued. And only answer these questions we can see an adequate picture of that time.
The main message of the book is that Heydar Aliyev made his way to the highest level of the power and was holding it sacrificing the country and destroying his opponents.
Aliyev`s main mission was a creation of the state which worked for interests of the family and the clan. Er thinks that Aliyev is opposite image of the Azerbaijani people.
The new era of Aliyev, ousted from the Politburo in 1987 (ousted, but resigned in a protest as some pseudo bios try to present this) began in 1990 with a return to Azerbaijan, aged 67 he taken a new rise to political olympus.
Certainly, a history laid a way - the Karabakh conflict which burst in 1988 and a beginning of collapse of the USSR. An experienced and masterly tactician, a man who knew how to handle information and gave it a great importance, assessed a situation and already in Moscow began to prepare a way for own return.
There are many versions, arguments that Aliev`s people aggravated a situation in Azerbaijan and encouraged a crisis to clear a way for their chief.
Which one was a primary target for Aliyev: the authority, state, people, family, personal ego? It would be correct to say some kind of mix. Generally - for the majority of Azeris on the first place is personal interest, interests of family, then a concept of homeland, or saying precisely, a native land. It"s something like a yard, village, town, area. A next phase of the concept is pretty complicated.
Aliyev is not an exception to the rules, just in accordance with the circumstances a native land concept for him appeared more widely, than for any of us. Because, during13 soviet years in power, he built factories, cities, expanded arable lands, broke, reconstructed, traveled from end to end, so developed and strengthened national self-identity in accordance with his style - like a dictator.
The millions of people tried to ensure own private interests what have caused problems and crisis of a society with the lost lands and the war, corrupted and criminal system, moral degradation and etc.
In the 1990"s his former subordinates, lickspittles met Aliev`s return with hostility. They themselves became the lords and each of them already posed himself as a first man of the state. This was the first open betrayal of his former team as they all were obliged to him due to new rise. It is not a secret that in the soviet era, any assignment, even a head of the medium enterprise was impossible without approval of the first secretary of the Communist Party. Many of appointees were mediocrity, but with maniacal claims for majesty. So, these people insulted, humiliated him publicly. To his credit, with admirable tenacity and composure, he prevented these attacks, as he felt his next rise and inevitable hour of punishment.
Even his opponents disliking him for the mafia & soviet past, could not indifferently look at humiliations of this strong person shabby by inconsistent time. Aliyev was confident that only he knew, where lead events and that only a veteran of supreme power in the USSR he knew how to remove the country from abyss of dying empire.
As well as in the soviet period of clandestine struggle of clans for the power he relies on the Nakhichevan and the western Azerbaijani clans (Armenia). Usually Aliyev relied on clan or personally loyal people, or disinterested men. But the clan was his striking force and a support. His choice has justified itself in the subsequent actions of opponents.
Whether were among his opponents the Popular Front - a new alternative political group of the late 80th. The members of the Popular Front before coming to power in 1992, didn"t attacked Aliyev, but just silently watched a fight without rules between the chief and his former subordinates. However there were people who due to strategic reasons assessed Aliyev as ally and even a leader of movement, for example Elchibey, and the others which saw a threat in Aliev`s returning to the power. Some of them were democrats and considered that Aliev`s returning would damage the process, but the others - the time-servers, who saw a threat for their personal interests.
Aliyev decided to begin his ascent from a small native land, as in 1990 he was elected MP of Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan autonomous republic. In the autumn of 1990 under a privacy veil he left for Nakhchivan, where he was met by supporters and everything was prepared to lead the autonomous republic as a chairman of local parliament. That happened at the end of the same year.
According to the constitution, Aliyev became a deputy chairman of the Supreme Soviet (parliament)of Azerbaijan, which put him above many of high-ranking opponents in Baku. Those in order to be secured quickly dropped a legislative code on which a chairman of Nakhichevani parliament was also the vice-speaker of parliament of the country.
İn tiny Nakhchivan Aliyev starts his activity on strengthening of security and internal stability. He raises over parliament a three-colored flag of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920), ensured a pull-out of the Soviet military division and border troops from the autonomy, agrees with Armenia in order not to lose a link connecting Nakhchivan with Turkey, which was then under the armenian threat.
He establishes a direct relation with Turkey and Iran and uses their support for strengthening of the autonomy which experienced transport and economic blockade. Turkey provided Nakhchivan a loan for 100 million dollars for economic projects, but it was obvious that this money should solve the current problems of the autonomy. Aliyev`s maneuvers took place in the crisis years of 1991-92 accompanied by an ideological break in a society. This time the USSR was hit by a struggle between imperial forces and the organisations targeting the changes. In both camps were the party elite and security forces. Aliyev carefully manoeuvred between two camps, but relying more on supporters of reforms. The reforms were strategically inevitable and at the same time represented even more wide field for political struggle in union republics. In this term an inglorious leaving of the communist system of Azerbaijan for history was not caused or facilitated by Aliyev. It became a system break of the communist elite which proved to be mediocre during the post Aliyev period from the middle of 80th. Unlike Aliyev, then a head of the country Ayaz Mutalibov and his supporters acted more straightforward, not concealing his support for the pro-Kremlin forces.
Erroneous and not counted in time `Ring` operation by the MIS (Main Intelligence Directorate of the Army Staff, USSR Armed Forces)) on deportation of Armenians from the Shaumyan district, which targeted the conflict deepening, has been supported by Mutalibov with satisfication. In the subsequent his support on August 19, 1991 for the Emergency Committee, at the very moment when Ter-Petrosyan, Nazarbayev and the others waited until the last moment and supported Gorbachev and Yeltsin, was like a death sentence for his team.
In September 1991 the Russian troops withdrawn from the conflict in Karabakh, leaving the Azeri population defenseless. In November Mutalibov loses the leading members of his team as the Armenians blow down the governmental helicopter in Martuni district. Attempts to gain a quick support, including military one, from Turkey aggravated a situation. A military attack by Armenians and the Russians on the Azeri-populated Hodzhaly town in February, 1992 hits Mutalibov and he retires in March.
Finally the Mutalibov"s team removed from the power on May 15, 1992,
after an unsuccessful attempt to return to the presidential palace with the russian support, as Shusha and Lachin fell. It was the another mistake, even a trap into which he fell forever. The coming of the Popular Front to the power was spontaneous and such development could occur only in conditions of deep political crisis and weakness of the authority. The power just fell like a rotten apple. From this moment starts a year-long period of the Popular Front contradictory with successes and lacks which have been predetermined both a geopolitical situation and domestic political struggle between forces targeting a really independent state and those desperately clinging to the imperial past.
Actually a destiny of the Popular Front has been predetermined as the main goal for those who orchestrated this organization was as soon as possible crash the dictatorship and unpredictability of Moscow. The government of the Popular Front hurry and the first one across the post soviet territory launches a native currency, the currency and gold stocks, strengthen integration with Turkey, the US, accelerates the negotiations with the major oil companies, directs Azerbaijan young men in the turkish military schools, launches the test system for high schools, creates conditions for business development, passes laws on media freedom, ethnic minorities, etc. At the same time the new authorities persistently refuse to join the CIS, an agreement on common security and to grant Russia a role of the peacemaker in Karabakh and the status of the russian military base in Gandja.
Political scientist Arif Yunusov then come to a conclusion that to supervise a country and to lead a process it was necessary to occupy about 5200 position in all branches of the power. The Popular Front took just 267 of them, what according to Yunusov"s conclusion doomed the government to defeat. Actually the Popular Front didn"t have human resources and the organization was forced politically to cohabit with the soviet elite, because there was nobody to replace quickly. The nomenclature has been brought into action at the right time. By autumn opponents of the Popular Front come into action and launch total sabotages. Russia fully arms Armenia and the Karabakh war becomes the exhausting one with growing human and material losses.
The serious economic, information and military attack on the Popular Front"s government started. Basically, the power should fall in January as the government"s rival, the commander of the army unit Suret Huseynov with support of the Gandja region and the local Russian troops, left Agdere district, passing the own military positions to the armenians. Only humiliating negotiations with this self-confident person then prevented civil and military conflict. On whose side was Aliyev? He was on his own side, though, of course, as the others put a lot of effort to minimize, but temporarily, the conflict between Elchibey and Huseynov. But it was already clear that the Х-hour for all big players comes and Aliyev begins to act. In January he arrives to Baku and holds the 8-hours face-to-face negotiations with Elchibey. Simultaneously he makes contacts with the western and russian envoys. From Baku he heads to Moscow ostensibly for the apartment problem, which Luzhkov decided to withdraw because of Yeltsin`s order. But actually Aliyev held talks not in the apartment office, but with influential people in Moscow and also with foreign diplomats. In the end of March, 1993 Azerbaijan lost Kelbadjar and 48 thousand residents fled this district. The operation was carried out by the armed forces of Armenia which didn"t face strong resistance because of treachery in the higher army echelons of Azerbaijan and underestimation of a situation by Elchibey.
This operation was carried out by Russia"s Main Intelligence Directorate and was designed to destabilize a situation in Azerbaijan. But neither Aliyev, nor other opposition group didn"t use the situation. Moreover, Aliyev undertaken all necessary steps in order to avoid situation destabilization. Aliyev skillfully manoeuvred at this time between all internal and external players, not letting themselves to involve him into the conflict. After Kelbadjar Suret Huseynov, supporters of Moscow, Aliyev and Elchibey, began to prepare for new development. Understanding that the russian military division in Gandja is a support for the pro Kremlin forces the government of Popular Front insistently demands a pull-out. Russia agreed and on May 25, the division left Gandja, passing the most of arms to Suret Huseynov. Apparently, Moscow considered a topple of the Elchibey"s government as a matter of coming weeks and decided to avoid a domestic struggle in Azerbaijan, and then restore the military base at the invitation of the new Azerbaijani government.
On June 4, started the first collisions in Gandja and all pro Kremlin forces in the country moved forward. On June 7, the Armenian army begins offensive operations. Troops of Suret Huseynov pulled out avoiding involvement in military operations - they move to Baku to topple Elchibey and his government. Aliyev and his people manoeuvre in the meantime between the sides, showing solidarity with Huseynov and entangling him. Aliyev arrives to Baku under an invitation of Elchibey, later on June 15 Elchibej heads for Nakhchivan, to the native village of Keleki accompanied by officers the Turkish secret services.
The parliament of Azerbaijan restores a legislative code of the Constitution according to which a chairman of Nakhichivan parliament is the vice-speaker of the Supreme Parliament of Azerbaijan. The way for Aliyev has been opened.
Nomenclature attempts to assemble a session of the supreme body, where the overwhelming majority of MP"s was pro-russian, have been blocked by the chairman of parliament Isa Gambar and Heydar Aliyev. Everyone worked for own advantages. But regarding a main issue - avoiding the supreme body assembly, interests of the sides coincided. The supreme body should recognize events of May 15th, 1992 as a military coup, a power of the Popular Front as illegitimate and then to join the CIS.
As some speak: "This is Azerbaijan". Someone have been bought up, to someone promised high posts, someone have intimidated etc. Aliyev was elected a chairman without full assembly.
According to Aliev`s statements which included disclosures of the Popular Front, a soft justification of Suret Huseynov, suspension of negotiations with the western oil companies, curtseys towards Russia, he was going like to change a policy to 180 degrees. All this are facts. Aliyev had to appoint Husejnov as PM to continue a process of own legitimacy as a head of the country. First, the parliament and then a referendum declared Elchibey as incompetent president, and finally Aliyev became president.
Speaking about the lost 6 districts during Aliyev"s rule, it is necessary to consider that these losses became a consequence of rigid internal political struggle, and also Aliev`s position which, as well as its predecessors, tried to avoid from joining the CIS, and defensive alliance. He, the skilled politician, didn`t want a presence of the Russian peacemakers in Karabakh because he knew - Moscow won`t solve the conflict and uses it for the interests and influence on Caucasus. Disbandment of battalions of the Popular Front, the Independence Party in the summer of 1993 was a compulsory measure. Aliyev thereby tried to demonstrate his sincere hostility to the Popular Front. Only in September, 1993, understanding unsuccessfulness to evade from categorical demands from Moscow, Aliyev puts Azerbaijan into the CIS, but having left in a hover other issues: military base and peacemakers. Later, skillfully playing contradictions among the Moscow elite, in November 1993, he gives 20 % of the oil contract of a century to Russia. A little bit later attacks of the Armenian troops stops.
Aliyev`s coming to the power in June, 1993 strongly frightened the western diplomats and oil bosses. They considered that the KGB general, former member of the Politbureau to redeploy the country towards the Kremlin. But analysts rightly estimating a situation, convinced them of inevitability of a western policy of Aliyev, despite some external pro iranian or pro russian moves. And they were right. By the end of the year Aliyev made a trip to England and asked support and assured a policy of signing of the deals with the western companies. By spring of 1994 Aliyev managed to strenghten armed forces and to beat off a spring attack of the armenian army. At the same time he holds intensive negotiations with the West.
On May 3, in Bruxelles Aliyev signs the Partnership for Peace with NATO . Later, on May 7-8th the clashes stop and the Bishkek cease-fire agreement on May 12 takes into effect. Already in June, having warranted americans a leading share in the Azerbaijani oil projects, Aliyev gets support of the West which on behalf of OSCE refuses to grant Russia an exclusive right to carry out peacemaking operations in Karabakh.
But the Russian hawks didn`t calm down and preparation for an autumn revenge of the pro Moscow forces started in Azerbaijan. Both sides prepare for the next fight. After signing on September 20 the promised contract, Aliev`s high-ranking men have been killed in Baku. Aliyev faces an uprising of Suret Huseynov and commander of a special police unite Rovshan Dzhavadov and their forces. Aliev`s attempt to rely on army fails. The most of army wasn"t on his side. Only some devoted military units make disarmament of Huseynov"s forces in Gandja and other places. Really estimating a defeat threat, Aliyev hold negotiations with Dzhavadov using all possible intermediaries, from opposition, diplomats and even father of Dzhavadov. He hardly manages to prevent a coup. Later he is seriously preparing for the final battle. Dzhavadov who hasn`t dared to go up to the end, as a way to a presidential palace was opened, obviously lost, because the forces previously supporting the special police unit, turned away from him.
In March, 1995 Aliyev already easily manages to neutralize the last militant opposition group. Dzhavadov has been killed. The era of military coups in the politics has been finished. The next crushing blow hit the influential criminal world. Aliyev let know that in the country everything belongs only to the power which he personifies. As correctly writes Er, the police stability was established in the country.

Mehman Aliyev