1918: Lankaran and Mughan are on fire (part three)

Lenkoran county was divided administratively into five police districts. The center of Lankaran city the district of Lankaran, the center of Astara village the district of Astara, the center of Lerik village the district of Zuvand, the center  of Nikolayevka village the district of Arkivon and the center of Prishib village the district of Sabidasht police departments were covered 65 rural communities and 9 nomadic pine. Here it is necessary to clarify one issue. In many archival documents, in particular in memoirs, references and reports of non-Muslim participants in the events, the local population is represented mainly as Turkic, and in some cases as Tatar. The first reason was due to the fact that the views of outlanders about the local ethnic landscape, who came to the Lankaran basin with the İideasİ of revolution and wanted to turn the region into the ”rear front " of white or red Russia, were very limited. The second reason was that more than 80% of the Christian population (Molokans, Subbotniks, Pentecostals, etc.) of the Russian Orthodox and sectarian population, who were resettled in the 19th century in the Lankaran basin, were settled on the Mughan plain. For them, any Muslim was a "Tatar". The third main reason is that although a significant part of the population of the surrounding villages of the Lankaran district was Talysh, most of the population of the city of Lankaran, which was the center of the region where the events took place, was Turks. According to the 1897 census, the city of Lankaran had a population of 8,733. Of these, 5,600 (64.12%) were Tatars (Turks), 1,277 (14.62%) were Russians, 973 (11.14%) were Talyshs, and 299 (3.42%) were Armenians and representatives of other nationalities.[1] Although during the 20 years (1897-1917), the city of Lankaran, as the Central city of the district and County, experienced significant changes in population growth, the changes in the ratio of the ethnic picture were insignificant. If you pay attention to this trend in the late 20-ies after Sovietization, it becomes clear that 83 percent of the population of Lankaran district after the elimination of the County was Talysh, 12% Turks, 3% Russian, 2%-other nationalities. However, in Lankaran as the center of the District, 78 percent of the population was Turks, 4 percent Talysh, 12 percent Russian, and 6 percent were representatives of other nations. 99.6% of the population of Vergaduz (Yardimli) region was Turks, 0.4% other nations.[2]

Doctor Mohsun Israfilbekov (Gadirli), during a trip to Lankaran and Mughan  in early may 1918, took into account the above-mentioned ethnic picture of the population in the districts of Sabidasht, Arkivan and Lankaran. In the service of his mission, he received an assignment from Baku branch of “Hummat” and won a special Emergency Commissar mandate from Baku Soviet. The aim of his trip was to examine the current situation in Lankaran district, including the situation in Mughan , carry on mass agitation among the population and harmonize two hostile parties  - “Turks and Russians”.[3] Before taking to Mughan , Shaumyan accepted him in his home and uncharged him with special tasks; he authorized Israfilbeyov with studying the position of the bolshevist organization in Lankaran district, including Mughan . Also, Shaumyan tasked Israfilbeyov with rendering comprehensive assistance to Bekzadyan, an official representative of Food Committee to Mughan .

Having regard to the fact that the bread trouble became a hot topic in Baku, especially as the urban population had to consume hazel- and walnut instead of bread, Council of People’s Commissars of Baku decreed to take the situation in Lankaran district under control and resolve the prain-producing issue. On the eve of the harvest work on May 14, 1918 Shaumyan sent a telegram to Moscow which said that “the harvest is bumper in Lankaran. Surplus supplies must be delivered to Baku. Our armed forces are currently engaged in watching crops and preparing for crop harvesting.”[4] Baku bolsheviks explained their actions as being due to the fact that “the local Mughan  population could not assuredly gather the harvest by their own efforts only, so they needed exterior help, so armed forces positioned in the region.[5]

As viewed by Food Commissar Alesha Japaridze, Lankaran and Javad counties needed armed forces, not peasants and plowmen to reap the harvest.[6] One of those second to Mughan , Shahramanov pointed out that “following consolidation of the Soviet power in Baku and defeat of Musavatists, our Dashnak-manned armed units went to Mughan . It should be noted that in 1918 Baku badly needed in bread. It was the bread issue that solved everything in Baku. Should Baku be properly supplied with bread, no crisis of 1918 would break out. It was no mere coincidence that the fate of the Soviet power was greatly dependent upon the Mughan  harvest...Those arriving from Baku asserted that there was famine in the city. In the meanwhile, there was bounteous harvest in Mughan  in the reviewed period. Note that harvest distribution commission was led by right socialist-revolutionary Sukharikov who declined from supplying Baku with breadstuffs. Note that breadstuffs were assertedly delivered to Baku but never reached the city.”[7]

This fact was referred to in memoirs of Gregoriy Arustamov. He wrote that “it was no mere coincidence that social revolutionaries hurled their forces from Baku into Mughan . That was explained as being due to the fact that in the reviewed period Mughan was the only center to supply Baku with bread products. Socialist-revolutionaries understood it perfectly well, were well-versed in the nature and economy of Mughan , so through the mediation of Sukharikov they gained control over provision of Baku with breadstuffs.”[8]

Accompanied by Mammadkhan Mammadkhanov, Shafi Aliyev, Baba Alimanov, Said Babayev, Qurban Huseynov, Nabi Bakhtamov and Molla Ahmad Hashymov, Dr. Israfilbeyov, just for this purpose, headed for Lankaran. While travelling, sailors on shipboard attempted to disarm Israfilbeyov and his group. In spite of the fact that Israfilbeyov tried to explain that he had a special mandate as Emergency Commissar of Baku Council,” according to enraged sailors, “how is that possible that he is Turkic Red Armyman in charge of so large number of weapons?”[9]  It took Israfilbeyov nightlong to explain the situation and thanks to efforts of social revolutionary Kropotov that made it possible to avoid tensions.

While at Lankaran, Israfilbeyov had for the first time a general meeting of the Moslem population at Kichik Bazar and discussed an issue of restoration of Soviet power in the town stressing the necessity of establishment  of this power in adjacent villages. The problem laid in the fact that in Israfilbeyov’s opinion the power in Lankaran and Mughan  was in the hands of socialist-revolutionaries, natives of Mughan  Sukharikov, Shevkunov and Ilyashevich. True, the situation was explained by the fact that social revolutionaries were members of the peasant’s party, so bolsheviks were not in the center of Mughan  developments but social revolutionaries. In spite of the fact that Bekzadyan came vrom Baku to resolve the food issue while food purveyances responsibility in Mughan  fell on socialist-revolutionaries. Also, it was social revolutionaries who showed resistance to Musavat and Tatar Cavalry activities in Mughan  and Lankaran. 

When Dr. Israfilbeyov arrived in Lankaran and put up at Talyshkhanov’s khan palace, combat operations were at the height in Yeddioymaq, between military alignments of Sukharikov and Sultan bey Qulubeyov. Note that there was a small bolshevik group led by Joseph Saratikov and Dr. Zakharyan that was engaged in subversive activity in Lankaran. It should be added that Zakharyan came to Lankaran from the Turkish frontline as saying that “I arrived in Baku from the front in the end of 1917. When I arrived in Baku, the civil war was at the height. During the Baku March events I promoted a company of medical organizations. Japaridze told me that the situation in Baku was very strained; he added that it was urgent to go to  Lankaran and arrange crop harvesting there. On May 5 I arrived in Lankaran and billeted at Togra khanum Talishkhanova’s apartment.”[10] Even before the arrival of Zakharian for the sake of "Deepening the revolution ", the red guards enjoyed tearing apart upholstered furniture with bayonets, and with wild laughter smashed crystal chandeliers and Venetian mirrors with their butts. [11] A resident of the village of Privolny Donskoy said that during the first battle they ravaged and plundered Turkish villages. Looting by red guard "fighters" became more widespread, villages were burned, and then everything was drowned and transported.”[12]  First days of May marked arrival of #1 and #2 red battalions in Lankaran. Further contributing to the growing strength of the guardsmen was the deployment in the town of “Baku revolutionary unit” led by Col. Avetisov – infamous for his inhuman massacres in Shamakhy – and a detachment of Col. Makarov. Added to this can be that the reviewed period saw activities of armed groupings in Lankaran and Mughan  – 10, 000 soldiers led by Ilyashevich; 3, 000 led by Col. Makarov; 2, 000 led by Col. Avetisov. Note that their objective point was seizure of Baku.[13] The materials collected by the Extraordinary Commission of inquiry established by the Government of the People's Republic of Azerbaijan in connection with the March 1918 massacre contain testimonies about the atrocities committed by Armenians in Lankaran. Khadija Ismail gizi, a witness, told the Commission in her statement that “2000 Armenian soldiers arrived in Lankaran on the eve of the capture of Baku and started committing outrages and atrocities against the local population. They went into the canteens and ate and left didn't pay money, refused to pay for the bread they bought. Then they forced the Muslims to dig trenches to protect themselves from the Turkish army. It even went so far as to prevent the Muslims from holding their religious mourning during the days of Maharram. When the Muslims gathered in mosques to perform their religious rites, the Armenians plunged into the mosques and robbed them, and then wanted to burn them. But the Georgians were able to prevent this and protect the mosque. At that time, Armenian soldiers also killed a Muslim woman.”[14]

Battalion # 2 under the Council of People’s Commissars headed for Port-Petrovskiy later March-easrlier April 1918. A month later the battalion was called back to Baku and later May went to Lankaran. As soon as the battalion arrived in the town, a part of it set a course for the Astara front.[15]  While at Lankaran, Mhitaryan wrote that after the battalion arrived in the town we fell to brooding about the establishment of the Soviet power in Lankaran. To his thinking, Vanilov, Melnikov, Arustamov and Faykovski displayed particular activity on this track. Mhitaryan reported that the persons mentioned above arranged an Executive Committee in Mughan , and Arustamov and Grachev became members of the Committee. Note that a harvesting commission was subordinated to the Executive Committee.[16]

 According to Grigoriy Arustamov, 3 groupings were sent to Lankaran. He claimed that “one of them was headed by Dashnak Qahramanov. The first grouping was largely composed of Armernian national units and social revolutionaries. Qahramanov promoted a nationalist line, and his objective was to sow discord between Armenians and Turkic in Baku and Lankaran.”[17]  This grouping was largely made of Dashnaks and committed unprecedented atrocities against the Turkic population. It was no mere coincidence that in May 1918 a number of bolsheviks appealed to Baku requesting the authorities to call him back. Infamous for its atrocities in respect of the Turkic population in Baku streets in March 1918, especially in the settlements of Surakhany and Khyrdalan, the  Qahramanov gang fell back into old ways in Lankaran. Arustamov notes: “The Lankaran atrocities revealed pillage and distribution of robbed among Armenians: “A mirror is mine”, this is yours, this is mine...We sent a letter to Baku which demanded to call this gang back. Even better, we went to Baku personally, met with Japaridze and Qamyshev (correct Qaybishev – J.H.) and informed them that this grouping had been engaged in pillaging killing peace citizens. However, the grouping was called back in the end of May. I’d like to make a pointed reference to the fact that it was a pointedly Dashnak gang.” [18]

Upon arrival in Lankaran, Mohsun Israfilbeyov called an emergency meeting. He informed the meeting about purposes of his arrival in the district, about his intention to visit Mughan  villages. Following results of the meeting it became evident that the situation around food supply in Lenkaran district was badly strained, and locals, especially Moslem population , were overwrought by worry. According to his notes, since his arrival in Lankaran Israfilbeyov’s “office had always been crowded with hard-working complainants of Turkic and Russian origin”. It should be noted that his journey to Mughan  was made in a landau of Togra-khanum Talyshkhanova who played a major role in protecting interests of the Moslem population of the district. Left social revolutionary Fedor Matveyev joined this detachment in Nikolayevka. Addressing the Russian population in the center of Prishib, Israfilbeyov delivered a speech which provided insight into the October revolution and stressed that the Soviet power was protecting interests of working population. It transpired in the course of the meeting that the  representatives of Molokans had no idea of what the Soviet power was, and recognized the power in the person of Col. Ilyashevich solely.[19] 

Israfilbeyov approached the issue from class position to explain these sentiments as being due to Talishkhanovs, Qulubeyovs and others’ attitudes to Russian Molokans. However, it became clear from speeches and remarks of landowners that “should occasion arise, they (i.e. Molokan  owners  - J.H.) – together with other russian villagers would be ready to take vengeance on the Turkic population.” Israfilbeyov wrote: “In all probability, before our arrival Col.Ilyashevich-led militant groups have succeeded to create an illusion of victory over the Moslems among the Russian population.”

 However, despite efforts of Israfilbeyov to make peace, all were futile. When they were returning from Mughan  to Prishib, a group of Russian-origin villagers from Astarkhanbazar (a region was called as Sebidasht area in the reviewed period – J.H.) stopped them as saying that they would not recognize any power until the Moslems lay down weapons and maintain order.[20]  Note that Israfilbeyov was accompanied by Boyukhan, a head of a group active on Astarkhanbazar territory, who asked him to petition before the Emergency Commissar for the return of Moslem refugees to their homes. In his report Israfilbeyov noted the following: “With tears in his eyes Boyukhan said that he gave everything he had to these miserables. He had his own flour mill and distributed all possessions among the population.” [21]

The situation was critical in Mughan. Exiled from their native places, the Moslem population lined in grinding poverty. A part of the Turkic population headed for mountains, others dragged out a miserable existence in Mughan . Dr. Zakharyan who accompanied Israfilbeyov in his trip to Mughan  confessed that we witnessed peasants that perished with hunger, descended to an animal existence, crept on all fours in the truest sense of the word. We tried to explain them that “if the Council of Workers Deputies had not recognized the districts a native land of Turkic disadvantaged population, they would never appoint here a commissar of Turkic origin to lead the region. Soviets sent us here for the reason that they recognize the region as your native land and take into account that the situation is intolerable around Turkic miserables.”[22]

Staying overnight in Astarkhanbazar, Israfilbeyov’s group paid a visit next morning to Andreyevka and Pokrovka, reviewed a village of Güllü destroyed by Russians and proceeded to Bilasuvar, Col. Ilyashevich’ headquarters. Note that all Molokan villages of Bilasuvar were under control of certain lieutenant Boris Khoshiyev, “a hero” of Mughan. Khoshiev was so popular in Mughan, that it was legendary. The Tatar squadron of local Muslims created by him for the purpose of “protection” from the raids of the Shahsevens was presented in Mughan as an example of “internationalism”.[23]  A peasants’ conference was held on May 24 in Bilasuvar with the participation of representatives of the Russian and Turkic villages. That was the first congress of rural deputies attended not only by Bilasuvar but Sebidasht and Arkivan representatives. In the course of the congress Dr. Israfilbeyov delivered an elowuent speech. Also addressing the audience was Col. Ilyashevich who stressed the necessity of ceasing the confrontation. Following the results of the congress an act was signed to call all Moslem communities of Lankaran district to recognize the Soviet power as exponent of working people’s will expression. The act was signed by Emergency Commissar Israfilbeyov, member of the Revolutionary-defensive committee of Lankaran town Dr. Zakharyan, Lankaran district commissar Matveyev, head of Mughan troops, Col. Ilyashevich. The act provided the surrender of all firearms to the representatives of the Soviet power; discontinuation of all armed counter-revolutionary activity directed against the Soviet power; free access of governmental forces to border areas. Also, if Russian and Moslem villages failed to start harvesting by May 20 (by the Julian calendar), the issue would fall into hands of the Soviet authorities; contravention of this order by whosoever would be regarded as hostile act and provocation against the Soviet power and be punished to death. [24] The act authorized a Bekzadyan-led Food Committee under the Council of People’s Commissars  not only to disarm the Mughan  Moslem population but administratively resolve harvesting issues. The question is that Bekzadyan arrived in Mughan  having with him a lot Kerenskiy money but nobody in the region wished to sell crops for depreciated money.

As a matter of fact, the purpose of Israfilbeyov’s arrival in Bilasuvar stemmed from the fact that  Sukharikov as executive in charge of Lankaran refused to send crops to Baku. A participant of the dispute, Shirali Akhundov wrote that “together with Qadirli we met with Sukharikov and asked him to give his consent for dispatching crops and foodstuffs to Baku. Howeverr, Sukharikov refused as saying that it was Col. Ilyashevich’ responsibility to clench the matter. For this reason we had to meet with Ilyashevich in Bilasuvar.”[25] However, in spite of the fact that newspaper “Pravda” published glowing materials on the results of Dr. Israfilbeyov’s visit to Mughan  and his contribution to the establishment of the Soviet power in Moslem villages of the region, this news was not quite true and no Soviet power had established in Mughan .[26]

Note that after Bilasuvar Dr. Israfilbeyov  and his entourage moved from Privolni village to Nikolayevka village and made an overnight stop at the house of Fedor Matveyev, left socialist-revolutionary congenial to bolsheviks. In his report he wrote: “We spent the night at Fedya Matveyev’s house. He has an elderly mother and 13-14 year old sister. Early in the morning the Matveyev’s sister came up to my room and solicited for help, she said that Fedya would be shot down. I immediately ran to a village edge and saw that 15-20 gunmen were ready to shoot bound hand and foot Matveyev. To judge by externals, these were not Ilyashevich’s “revolutionary men” but our red army men who came to Lankaran from Baku. I took Matveyev from them as saying that he was a revolutionary and maligned by local landowners. However, the red army men turned a deaf ear to my explanations. One of them told me oh that you’re aha Israfilbeyov, you’re swindler, you’ve assigned a false identity, we need you. – In reply I showed my papers. One of the red army men, a Russian by nationality, said that he knew me. This Russian gave speeches at Azadlig square during funerals of fatalities caused by Shamkhor events. In the end, I had a miraculous escape and pulled Matveyev from their hands. Note that there were several Dashnaks among the red army men, and they were engaged in masterminding provocations. Later on, Dr. Zakharyan criticized them in Russian and Armenian languages.”[27]

 Attestor to the event, Qayk Arustamov wrote that when Mohsun Israfilbeyov moved from Mughan  to Prishib  he faced a murder threat - “he is a Turk and cannot be a bolshevik.”[28] Dr. Zakharyan reaffirmed this as saying that our trip to Mughan   was very hazardous. Molokan landowners started rumors that Turks gave 30, 000 rubles worth bribe to Israfilbeyov, so he advocated interests of Turks. Note that molokans  did not come out against peace-building; however, in considering that the harvest cost them very expensive they tried first to reap the harvest and then let Turks into their villages. For this reason, kulak circles were engaged in provocations as saying that Qadirli and his men were grafted by Turks. Molokan richmen threatened to burn their sown areas if Turks returned to their native land. It was Sukharikov who stood behind this provocation. According to witnesses,  “he meant to spring a surprise to Russian kulaks by granting them finished products of Turkic refugees and peasants. Rumors said that they threatened Soviet representatives to throw a flaming match on an sown field, so nobody would reap the harvest.”[29]

It has to be kept in mind that the situation around the murder threat against Matveyev and Israfilbeyov by the red army men was connected to the above. “I well remember that Matveyev and Qadirli fought a losing battle to persuade the red army men that Dr. Israfilbeyov did not take a 30, 000 rubles worth bribe from Turks, as Molokan landowners alleged, instead he was an Emergency Commissar  detached from Baku Council. Note that 8-10 red army men shouldered arms crying no talking, we’ll shoot you down now. It transpired later that in an attempt to seize crops from Turk-owned areas, Molokan landowners were not interested in our peace-making efforts and did their best to disturb our mission. At this moment, on behalf of regional armed revolutionary council I ordered the red army men “hold it, march, enemy in the front, but you’re skipping like children.” At that moment an Armenian from the red army men said in the Armenian language guys he is Georgian and a friend of the above, he is corrupt as well, let’s shoot him down. Immediately I repeated dismiss! in Armenian delivering the haughty speech that the red army men fell under the influence of Dashnak propagandists.”[30]   

   Dr. Zakharyan pointed out that we, jointly with comrade Qadirli, surveyed Mughan  area for 3 weeks. His arrival revived hopes of Turkic peasants, so it was no mere coincidence that 73 Turkic delegates came on wagons to Nikolayevka to see him from all districts of the region for conclusion of peace. However, “red army men” came down on them threatening to kill them; they seized their horses. For two hours I had been arguing myself hoarse trying to convince them, sometimes intimidating, and finally they contented themselves with one horse, other horses remained with us. The question was that the red army men demanded a wagon from Molokan landowners; however, Molokans were unwilling to agree with them. For this reason, the red army men decided to seize horse available, and one of Dashnaks got onto a horse, its owner screamed but it was too late.”[31]

Dr. Israfilbeyov move from Bilasuvar and Prishib to Arkivan in an attempt to reconcile Russian and Turkic populations. Contributing to the issue resolution  was activity of Yusif bey Mehmandarov, a relative of Talishinskiy.  However, a Russian representative from Nikolayevka declared in Arkivan that we need no ignoble peace only  because they have been suppressed. Statements of this sort notwithstanding, a peace agreement was signed in Arkivan “between the Turkic and Russian populations.”[32] Straight after the signing of the peace agreement on May 19, 1918 representatives of Musakucha village signed a collective agreement on recognition of the Soviet power.[33] However, like previous arrangements of this sort the said peace agreement gave no practical result.

Upon completion of his “peacemaking mission” in Mughan  villages Dr. Israfilbeyov returned to Lankaran. Failing to find a main «Hummat” mediator in the town - Aga khan Talyshinskiy,  the Emergency Commissar received a report from left socialist-revolutionary Dr. Ambarsum Arzumanov. In the first turn, Israfilbeyov met with Shevkunov, a member of the Socialist-revolutionary Party and town major, and propounded a question of the situation not only around the Moslem population but around a part of the Christian population of the region as well. It transpired in the course of the debates that suburban Talysh villages were subject to attacks from areas embracing Garmaturk to Girdani. Under the pretext of weapons detection in his house Miri bey Talyshkhanov was shot down by Shevkunov men in full view of everyone. Also, a priest and his 3 sons were shot downs after a church bell was found in his house.[34] Grisha Arustamov wrote that “a topical issue in Mughan  and Lankaran was atrocities against the Turkic population. In the meanwhile, Shevkunov men played a crucial role in the matter. Thus, these men pursued a policy of robbery and plundering in suburban  Lankaran and Mughan  villages.”[35] 

Dr. Israfilbeyov provided comprehensive data on the situation in Mughan , especially criminal activity of Sukharikov, a head of Mughan  Molokans; Ilyashevich, a commander of army unit; evil deeds of Shevkunov in Lankaran. He pointed out that as a result of criminal behavior of Shevkunov in Lankaran, especially terror actions against “the Turkic population.”[36] According to eyewitnesses, the Shevkunov men committed atrocities against the Moslem population openly, in a broad daylight. This subman “pulled out earrings and other jewels from a Moslem woman, tore off her clothes victimizing her in every possible way.”[37] In turn, Dr. Zakharyan confessed that the whole shooting match broke out due to efforts of Molokans aimed at misappropriating crops harvested by the Turkic population in Mughan . Note that actions of Sukharikov, a head of Mughan  Molokans, and criminals of all denominations like Ilyashevich and Shevkunov served this purpose.[38]

In the course of the meeting Mohsun Israfilbeyov removed Shevkunov from his post and then signed a warrant  of his arrest. After that, he issued an order on the release of 200 Turks and Talyshs, in the first turn, women. Along with Sevkunov, Israfilbeyov decided upon arrest of Teymur bey Bayramalibeyov, a young member of Musavat Party who played an important role in protecting interests of socialist-revolutionary, Dashnak and bolshevik groups engaged in plundering the Moslem population of Lankaran. He was arrested on “kindling interethnic hatred between the Turkic and Russian populations” charges. Despite Sevkunov’s arrest,  Israfilbeyov, under Dr. Zakharyan’s guarantee,  appointed Ambarsum Arzumanov as a head of the town. In turn, Arzumanov appointed a certain Tatyan as his deputy. In so doing, the power in Lankaran was placed at the disposal of Armenians. 

It has to be kept in mind the Shevkunov’s arrest raised protests of the Russian population, so Sukharikov’s men tried to arrest Israfilbeyov under a pretext of  “villain.” However, earlier June, 1918 he returned to Baku where he informed Shaumyan about the situation in Lankaran and Mughan . He said that the administration in Mughan  and Lankaran had currently been in the hands of socialist-revolutionaries ,and the red army men dispatched here by Baku Council were making a beast of themselves. Israfilbeyov added: “suffice it say that they wanted to shoot me and Matveyev down, so it is evident that they are ready for many duplicitous, mean actions. I witnessed how they embezzled wagons of Turkic negotiators... I state with complete certainty that Lankaran district is in the hands of socialist-revolutionaries Sukharikov, Shevkunov and Ilyashevich. These three persons are playing key role in the district; the whole Socialist-revolutionary Party is in their absolute power. A 30-men group dispatched from Baku and led by Joseph Saratikov is actually subordinated to Sukharikov and socialist-revolutionaries rather than to Saratikov” [39] According to Dobrynin "Saratikov, an Armenian who was appointed military Commissar of the entire Mughan from Baku, arrived in Lenkoran with his staff. He was a former housekeeper of a brothel who was in prison for secret trade and forced export of stolen "white goods" to Persia , most of them underage girls. Under Kerensky, this scoundrel was released from prison as a victim of "bloody tsarism", and when he arrived in Lenkoran, he was already, of course, posing as a political convict."[40]

A few days after Israfilbeyov left Lankaran a special squad was called from Mughan  to Lankaran to arrest him. However, Shafi Aliyev, Molla Ahmad Hashymov, Said Babayev and others succeeded to escape. Unwilling to collaborate with bolsheviks, socialist-revolutionaries and other Russian parties, representatives of Turkic and Talysh populations of the region made a decision that members of Israfilbeyov group - Shafi Aliyev, Molla Ahmad Hashymov, Qurban Huseynov,  Said Babayev, Baba Alimanov and Mammadkhanov – should remain in Lankaran.

To be continued

First part.

Second part.

 


[1] See: Pervaia Vceobschaia perepisə naseleniia Rossiiskoi imperii 1897 g. Т. LXI Bakinsksia guberniia. SPb. IZD-e TsCK MVD, 1905, s. 2-3.

[2] Statistical table on political and economic characteristics of the southern regions of the Azerbaijan SSR in the late 1920s .// Russian State Military Archive f. 25873, r. 1,  v. 837,pp. 92-92 back.

[3] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.1

[4] Stepan Shaumyan.Selected works in 2 volumes, v..2, с.225

[5] See: News of Baku Council, 1918, 14 May

[6] See: News of Baku Council, 1918, 17 May

[7] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Shakhramanov). October 2, 1931. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.30, p.68

[8] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Qrigori Arustamov). May 17, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.134

[9] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p. 2

[10] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Dr. Zakharyan). June 7, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.56

[11] Vasilii Dobrynin. Oborona Mughani, 1918 – 1919, s. 20

[12] Kamran İsmayılov. 1918-ci ildə Lənkəran bölgəsində erməni silahlı birləşmələrinin cinayətləri Azərbaycan xalqına qarşı soyqırım siyasətinin tərkib hissəsi kimi. // XX əsrdə  türk-müsəlman xalqlarına qarşı soyqırımları”  mövzusuna həsr olunmuş IV beynəlxalq konfransın materialları.  Bakı: 2017, c. 85; For additional information, see: Evening of memory of participants of the Civil War in Mughan (Donskoi's Memoirs). October 2, 1931. // APDPARA, f. 456, r. 18, v. 30, p. 31-40

[13] See: Third anniversary of Great October, 1917-1920. Baku: Аzercentropechat, 1920; For more on this See: Revolt of Azerbaijanians in Lankaran, 1918-1919.// Research papers of the Institute of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan. Special issue, 2017, № 64,65,66, p.68

[14] Solmaz Rustamova-Togidi. Mart 1918 g. Baku. Azerbaidzhanskie programy v dokumentakh, Baku, 2009, s. 316-317.

[15] Memoirs of Fedor Korolev on the struggle of guerilla forces of the Red Squadron-2 in Lankaran and Astara districts in 1918-1919. January 15, 1959. // APDPARA, f.268, r.23, v.329, pp.1-2

[16] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mkhitaryan). May 6, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.93

[17] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Qrigori Arustamov). June 5, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.138

[18] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Qrigori Arustamov). June 5, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.149

[19] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.5

[20] Ibid, p.5

[21] Ibid, pp. 12-13

[22] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs od Dr. Zakharyan). June 7, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.59-60

[23] Vasilii Dobrynin. Oborona Mughani, 1918 – 1919, s. 39.

[24] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3,1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.19; For more on the Bilasuvar congress See: А.А. Privolniy. A glow of October above Mughan. Baku, Azerneshr, 1979, 1979, p.36-37

[25] Memoirs of Akhundov Shirali Bakhshali ogly, a member of the Communist Party since March 1919, on his participation in the revolutionary events in the Lankaran district, from 1917 to 1921 and participation of Museyib Kerimov in the said events.// APDPARA, f.268, r.23, v.56, pp.15-16

[26] See: Pravda, 1918, 12 June

[27] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, pp.25-27

[28] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Qayk Arustamov). October 2, 1931. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.30, p.61

[29] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Dr. Zakharyan). June 7, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.64

[30] Ibid, p.62

[31] Ibid, p.63

[32] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). 03.06.1932. // APDPARA, f.456, s.18, i.29, v.28-29

[33] See: A decision of residents of Musakucha village. 19.05.1918. // APDPARA, f.276, s.3, i.50, v.1, 8-9

[34] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Musa Sadykhov). May 6, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.121

[35] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Qrigori Arustamov). May 17, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.33, p.136

[36] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.37

[37] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Shafi Aliyev). June 7, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.54

[38] Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Dr. Zakharyan). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, p.44

[39] See: Commemoration meeting of participants of civil war in Mughan (Memoirs of Mohsun Israfilbeyov (Qadirli)). June 3, 1932. // APDPARA, f.456, r.18, v.29, pp.30-36

[40] Vasilii Dobrynin. Oborona Mughani, 1918 – 1919, s. 51.

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