Тофик Зульфугаров в гостях у haqqin.az

Тофик Зульфугаров в гостях у haqqin.az

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- For a long time at the talks of the OSCE Minsk Group, when the issue of the return of Azerbaijani refugees was discussed, the Armenian side put forward a condition for maintaining the demographic balance in favor of the Armenians, which was in the days of NKAO. How will the return of refugees proceed in the current conditions?

- From the very beginning of the conflict, the Armenian side in practice adhered to the principle "where there is an Armenian soldier, there should be no Azerbaijani." As a result of 30 years of occupation and total ethnic cleansing, Armenia has practically achieved its goal. During the hostilities that began on September 27, the Azerbaijani army liberated the territories of Karabakh, where previously the majority were Azerbaijanis. When the hostilities were supposed to continue in areas where the majority were Armenians before the conflict, the question arose: should we continue the practice that the Armenians imposed on us, or go another way. It was not only a moral, but also a political choice.

All military actions by the Azerbaijani army were carried out strictly within the framework of the norms and principles of international law, and therefore found full support from the world community. No one doubted the right of Baku to provide an opportunity for its refugees to return to their hometowns and villages. I think that this position would radically change if the offensive continued in areas where Armenians lived compactly. There were such signals from some external political forces. They could be seen not only in Russian media, but also in Western media. However, the end of hostilities at the current stage seems to be the most optimal for Azerbaijan.

All interested parties, including the Russian Federation and Turkey, declared that Nagorno-Karabakh is an integral part of Azerbaijan and the final settlement will take place within the borders of this state. The restoration of Azerbaijan's sovereignty in the rest of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh will take a lot of time and with the support of peacekeeping forces and observers. Now there are many different opinions about this in the press and social networks. However, it is clear to me that the participation of peacekeeping forces and observers in this process protects us from Armenian provocations, the goal of which will ultimately be to accuse Azerbaijan of "genocide-2". Although such a scenario is not given much importance, it is quite possible.

While the bitterness from the losses of our martyrs, the bombing of Barda, Ganja, Tartar is acute, people think in approximately the following categories: “So they did, why can't we do the same as the Armenians?” This is understandable, but political realities show that the scheme adopted on November 10 by the heads of the three countries is optimal. By military actions, we liberated 3.5 thousand square kilometers, as a result of the agreement, another 4.7 thousand square kilometers of territory where Azerbaijanis lived came under the control of Azerbaijan. The fact that these lands came under our control without war made it possible to avoid many times greater losses and blood than happened before the agreement. Therefore, the decision was unambiguously optimal, and then the political process of gradual restoration of Azerbaijan's full sovereignty over the rest of the territories of Nagorno-Karabakh will continue.

- There are many discussions on social networks about the status of the Russian peacekeepers. Quite a few of our citizens believe that a multinational peacekeeping force would be more credible ...

- Do not forget that Azerbaijan has full sovereignty over its entire territory. However, our country is not the largest in the world. The joint tripartite statement is the result of a certain compromise. Some, assessing the events, choose some point from this document and declare that this is not good. In real politics, no agreement can fully meet everything that each of the parties would like. That is why negotiations are underway to create some kind of balance. Examining the picture that is emerging in the course of the implementation of the Azerbaijani-Russian-Armenian agreement, I personally conclude that we have solved the problem of returning the occupied lands by 90%. Therefore, the President of Azerbaijan called the document Armenia's surrender.

At the same time, there are still questions to be solved. Unfortunately, in the history of Azerbaijani-Russian relations in terms of Karabakh, Russia's role was often ambiguous. But as a result of the policy pursued by the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, Russia's approach to the situation has changed, which is obvious. Our victory was made possible, among other things, thanks to two components. The first is the increased activity of Turkey in the region, including the military component. Today, in the military-political plan, Turkey is represented in the observation mission; the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan have an advisory apparatus of Turkish specialists. The Turkish air force is stationed in Ganja. At the right time, the effect of the Moscow treaty of 1922 was announced, which indicates that Turkey, along with Russia, is the guarantor of the status of Nakhchivan. This whole complex creates a certain geopolitical balance. First of all for Moscow.

The second important component is the changing role of Russia. The very picture of hostilities unfolding in Karabakh testifies to the fact that Russian-Armenian relations are in a deep crisis. At the same time, relations between Baku and Moscow have significantly strengthened. These geopolitical factors became the foreign policy background of the second Karabakh war.

In real politics, first, it is necessary to take into account the factors that can obviously influence the development of the situation. The agreement reached was the result of a compromise solution. And the presence of the peacekeeping forces, which have become a kind of gasket between the Armenians and our army, excluding the possibility of provocations with subsequent accusations of "mass massacre", does not inspire anything but optimism. Apparently, the Armenian side was preparing to play out just such a scenario. A number of articles, including in Russian editions, are proof of this.

On the other hand, the participants in the process - the Russian Federation and Turkey - unambiguously stated, Karabakh is Azerbaijan! This message defines the events that will take place in the future, including with the participation of the peacekeeping forces. The situation, contrary to the wishes of the OSCE Minsk Group, in particular France, has constructed a new format: Russia and Turkey. Moscow and Ankara, unambiguously recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani land, create a certain political framework.

However, the process of restoring sovereignty over the remaining territories will be long and difficult. We need to prepare for a phased implementation. Sovereignty is not only the flag of Azerbaijan hoisted over Khankendi. The flag is only a symbol of the country, but there is also the functioning of the national currency, the identification of the military personnel of the Armenian army, the determination of the time when the military formations from the local population will be disarmed, etc. It is to be decided how the return of Azerbaijani state structures to the region, fixing ownership and other issues. Probably, the ASAN Xidmət service should appear in Khankendi. That is what is important. Populists can say whatever they want, but they are not able to look at problems in a comprehensive manner. For the solution of the tasks facing us, it is very important to preserve the amazing unity of the entire Azerbaijani society, government and army, which was during the war. This is a favorable factor, which gives every reason to say that after a certain time the sovereignty of Azerbaijan will be restored over this territory.

The process of returning the Armenian population of Karabakh, to whom the president and the Azerbaijani government have guaranteed the security and citizenship of the country, is also difficult and long. On this path, we must be prepared for various problems, including provocations.

- How do you assess the meetings of "NKR head" Arayik Harutyunyan with the leaders of the Russian peacekeeping mission? In general, how should the legitimate representation of the Karabakh Armenians be carried out in the state structures of the region?

- As I have already said, the issue of restoring sovereignty is not a matter of one day, but a long-term and gradual process. Arayik Harutyunyan is just a forced and temporary contactor with the peacekeeping forces. He will live with the feeling that not today or tomorrow the Azerbaijani justice will overtake. I would like to cite the example of the late head of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic. I remember that he signed the Dayton Accords, visited Washington and continued his activities for a long time. Of course, I am far from comparing Milosevic with Harutyunyan, but despite his considerable work, the Serbian leader after a while found himself in the dock. Therefore, all these contacts in Khankendi should be viewed as temporary and working, which will ultimately lead to the restoration of our sovereignty. You cannot demand the solution of all issues at the same time. There is a lot of work to restore communications, return refugees, consolidate in Aghdam region, Kelbajar, Lachin, build a road to Nakhchivan, etc. And the turn will come to Arayik.

- Armenian media incessantly talked about the Russian Iskander missile system purchased by Yerevan. Armenian politicians assured their people that the mere presence of these missiles would discourage Azerbaijan from any desire to return the occupied territories by force. Even when Azerbaijan acquired the Israeli anti-aircraft missile shield "Iron Dome" and, according to some sources, the newest system for the destruction of missiles "Magic Wand", Armenian political scientists urged not to pay attention to this. However, Yerevan, which was rattling with Iskanders for a long time and so hysterically, did not let them into action ...

“The very fact that Armenia received this weapon aroused considerable doubts. Everything looked like only an imitation of supplies. In addition, this system can only be highly accurate when used in conjunction with a satellite positioning system. Iskander missiles fly partly in the ballistic phase, partly like cruise missiles, orienting themselves on the ground. Initially, it was clear that without permission and support, Armenia would not be able to apply this system. In addition, Iskanders were created as carriers of nuclear weapons, and their warhead stuffed with conventional explosives is only 450 kg, which is not such a great explosive power. For example, the same Scud missiles that the Armenians used during the shelling of Azerbaijani territory have an explosive power of more than 800 kg. A modern aircraft generally carries ammunition weighing about 3 tons. In short, the Iskander is to some extent a myth, and the significance of this weapon should not be overestimated.

At the same time, the Armenian authorities could not ignore such a factor as Nakhchivan. Yerevan understood that if missiles were used against our vital facilities - power plants, pipelines, oil fields, etc., a strike would follow on the territory of Armenia. Which, in fact, was undertaken when the missile systems were destroyed on the border with Azerbaijan. Baku gave an unambiguous signal that there would be an immediate response to rocket attacks on the country's facilities. In this situation, the factor of Nakhchivan was of great importance, since there is only 50 km from the capital of Armenia to the border of the NAR. The missile systems, which are in service with the Special Azerbaijani Army in Nakhchivan, make it easy to hit targets throughout the territory of Armenia. For example, the launch of our Gasyrga system of four missiles with a warhead of up to 700 kg of explosives can hit any point in the Armenian territory. The flight from the NAR territory to Yerevan will take a few minutes. Therefore, the Armenian propaganda was aimed at disorienting the Azerbaijani public.

In addition, for some reason in Armenia they were sure that Russia would come to their aid and Russian soldiers would die for the sake of delusional Armenian ambitions. During the war, there were almost demands from the Armenian diaspora to send Russian troops to the conflict zone on Azerbaijani territory.

While describing their weapons, our neighbors were simply bluffing, passing off dreaming. Armenia suffered a crushing defeat. It should be noted that in recent years, the defense policy of Azerbaijan has been built at the highest level. Foreign experts were simply shocked by the military-tactical capabilities of the Azerbaijani army. This power made it possible to defeat completely the armed forces of Armenia.

- The Armenian opposition threatens to overthrow Nikol Pashinyan, create an anti-Turkish coalition, withdraw from the agreement on November 10 and recognize Nagorno-Karabakh. If it succeeds in carrying out a coup by means of a revolution, like in 2016, or as a result of a terrorist attack, like in 1999, what could be the consequences for the region ...

- Such calls are really heard at rallies in Yerevan. However, the best response to the desire to withdraw from the trilateral agreement was given by Russian President Vladimir Putin, stating that it would be a disaster for Armenia. Different versions can be put forward as to why a catastrophe awaits Armenia in this case, but in fact, this statement by Putin was a tough warning for all Armenian political forces.

During the 44-day war, Azerbaijan restored its interstate border with Armenia. The process of identification and withdrawal of the Armenian military from the territories controlled by the peacekeeping forces is underway. By the way, the point on the withdrawal of Armenian troops is present in the joint statement of the heads of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia. In fact, the Azerbaijani army drove the aggressor out of its territory. The list of topics to be discussed with the Armenian side is very short. This is the normalization of the situation on the border of the two countries, some measures of confidence and security. It is also possible to discuss the item of the statement on the restoration of communication between Nakhchivan and the western part of Azerbaijan for a practical solution of this issue. As for other topics, for example, how the process of reintegration of the territories controlled by the peacekeeping forces will proceed, this does not concern the Republic of Armenia at all. This is, firstly, the internal affair of Azerbaijan, and secondly, Russia and Turkey have been identified as participants in the process of restoring sovereignty over this territory.

There is no place for Armenia here. According to the President of Azerbaijan, the status quo has changed in Nagorno-Karabakh, and any attempts to impose the old ideas of the Madrid principles or something else from the OSCE MG portfolio are no longer relevant. The claims of the OSCE Minsk Group to participate in some processes in Azerbaijan will be taken into account depending on whether Baku wants to involve the OSCE mediation to resolve its internal issues or not. Azerbaijan has already chosen its partners - Russia and Turkey. All the rest of Baku can write a short note: "Thank you all, everyone is free!" The topic of OSCE mediation is closed. Therefore, we must encourage the Russia-Turkey format, which has demonstrated the ability to resolve issues in a short time. This was clearly seen in the example of the liberation of the remaining three regions - Kelbajar, Aghdam and Lachin. I am confident that the process will continue in the right direction.

- Until recently, Turkey linked the opening of the border with Armenia with the liberation of the occupied Azerbaijani lands. Has this relationship remained or is only Armenia’s claims to Ankara now on the agenda?

- Now, in Armenia there is a difficult process of rethinking the stage of its modern history. The defeat inflicted by Azerbaijan forced the Armenian political elite to reconsider their foreign and domestic policies. The reaction of Turkey and Azerbaijan to the policy of Armenia will depend on what agenda the Armenians propose. Will ambitious slogans on expanding borders in accordance with the declaration of Greater Armenia continue to be heard, will the country move away from the policy of territorial claims to almost all neighbors, will it begin to feel itself a state that wants to live in peace and harmony with its neighbors? In this case, we may be interested in building some kind of relationship. Turkey will also proceed from whether Armenia will present territorial claims, whether it will continue to conduct anti-Turkish propaganda at all international platforms, whether Armenia will remain a conductor of the provocative policy of other players in the region, etc. Time will tell. Perhaps the pressing problems of Armenia will force its authorities to turn to reality. Then we can think about how to react. So far, one thing is clear - Azerbaijan has completely restored the border with Armenia. This is of key importance.

- How would you characterize Iran's policy during the war? First Tehran offered its mediation to the conflicting parties, then brought thousands of soldiers and armored vehicles of the IRGC to the Azerbaijani border, where fierce battles were raging. What is Iran's goal?

- Unfortunately, in our society Iran is often judged unnecessarily painfully, hastily and emotionally. Meanwhile, only the sustained position of President Ilham Aliyev prevented the emergence of conflict situations with Iran. The Armenians really wanted the conflicts between Baku and Tehran. Alas, there are people in Azerbaijan who, underestimating the geopolitical situation, come up with slogans that, in my opinion, should not be voiced against a neighboring state. Iran was particularly pleased to note that during a visit by Ilham Aliyev to the Khudaferin Bridge in liberated Jabrail, the President said that this would be the border of good-neighborliness and cooperation. Further, the President announced a project to restore the railway in the NAR. In Soviet times, it was the junction of the railway to Iran. Armenia, along with Iran and Turkey, may be interested in this path. Yerevan dreamed of transit flows through the country within the framework of the North-South transport corridor project. Now our neighbors may have a 42-kilometer railway route for international transit of goods. This is reality. At some stage, relations with Armenia should move away from the current confrontation towards cooperation.

As for the position of Iran in the days of the war, it was unambiguously determined by the high degree of Baku's interest in the development of bilateral Iranian-Azerbaijani relations. Tehran actually imposed a ban on the transit of weapons to Armenia. When they talked about the supply of weapons through Iranian territory, they noted that it was a smuggling of Armenians. Moreover, the flights of civilian aircraft with illegal weapons on board through the airspace of Iran violated the laws of the Islamic Republic itself. The Iranian position on the current situation in Karabakh is that countries far from this region should be present in it. Therefore, for the Iranians, the Russian-Turkish format is preferable to any other, since these countries are partners in the region.

- In Azerbaijani society, some insist on the creation of a Turkish military base in Azerbaijan as a factor in the balance of power. If during the war the factor of Turkey, political support for Ankara played a huge role, even in peacetime the Turkish military will be the guarantor of security. Just as the 102nd Russian base in Gyumri serves as the guarantor of Armenia's security ...

- The Turkish military have been present in Azerbaijan for many years as military advisers, participating in the training of the Azerbaijani military. Our victory is largely the result of this preparation. Another component is the presence of F-16 aircraft in Ganja. In fact, this means the long-term presence of the Turkish Air Force on the territory of Azerbaijan. For more than a year, Azerbaijan and Turkey have been regularly conducting joint air force exercises. There is a very high degree of military cooperation between our countries. At the same time, Russia is sympathetic to Baku's desire to develop military-technical cooperation with Ankara. This is because Moscow sees Turkey as a trusted partner in solving regional problems. Not only in the South Caucasus, but also in Libya and Syria, where they have a joint patrol point. True, it should be noted that the interaction between Moscow and Ankara is in a kind of dissonance in relations between the two countries with the West. The current historical debate that Tofig Zulfugarov does not want to see Turkish bases in the region sound ridiculous to say the least. We do not define regional policy. I wrote about the formation of the Russian-Turkish tandem in my publications several months ago. The fact is that Russian-Turkish cooperation is an open challenge to the old system in the form of the OSCE MG with its mediation, the proposal of some projects, etc. Now it is obvious that the OSCE MG is out of work.  The primary task of the pro-Armenian forces in Russia and the West is to embroil Moscow and Ankara. When we start to play along with this theme, we make a big mistake. Our task is to defend our interests and at the same time prevent a Russian-Turkish confrontation in this region. In order not to become a testing ground for this confrontation, which our enemies really want, and some of our citizens are unconsciously involved in this game. This concerns, for example, the issue of joint patrolling. After all, the main thing is that Turkey, as a result of the agreements reached, has become a participant in the peacekeeping process. Although Ankara was not mentioned in the trilateral agreement, today Turkey is a full-fledged participant in the Russian-Turkish process.

In my opinion, patrolling in Nagorno-Karabakh should be three-pronged - Russian peacekeepers, ordinary or military police of Azerbaijan and some kind of security organization, funded by the Azerbaijani budget, consisting of Armenians. These forces will deal with practical issues during the transition period. The triple patrol format is not a new idea; it has been used in many regions. It is important that the Armenians from the security commercial company be financed by the Azerbaijani side. This will create a certain desire for cooperation with this structure among the Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh. At the first stage, such a format should have been achieved. As for the security of the Azerbaijani population in the liberated territories, it is guaranteed by the state structures of Azerbaijan - the army, police, etc. The armament of the Azerbaijani army in Shusha is a good guarantor of security for returning Azerbaijani refugees.

- How do you imagine the status of the Lachin corridor?

- What is called the Lachin corridor, in reality, is an ordinary road. I am against the term corridor, as it implies some legal extraterritoriality. I think that no one aims to alienate this territory. It turns out to be absurd - to alienate in favor of another territory of Azerbaijan, where the country's sovereignty should be restored. The issue is to ensure the safety of this road. And here it is necessary to closely cooperate with the peacekeeping forces. There should be no speculation on this matter. Our displaced persons must return to their communities in the Lachin region, where they lived before the conflict. Security control and the return of refugees to their homes in this zone are not linked. Safety should be for both those who live there and those who pass this road. Security is ensured by the operation of the law and the absence of offenses.

- It is interesting that after the first and second ceasefire agreements, Armenian commanders, including Defense Minister David Tonoyan, reported to Pashinyan that the army was on the verge of complete annihilation. Attacks by Azerbaijani drones and artillery overtook the Armenian military near not only military equipment, but also when they gathered in a group of up to 4-5 people. For two weeks, the Armenian prime minister watched as his army was being destroyed; he did not agree with the withdrawal of troops from Karabakh. What was the head of the Armenian state hoping for?

- He hoped for Russia's intervention on the side of Armenia and never imagined that Moscow would support all the points of the ceasefire conditions put forward by Azerbaijan. It is a fact. There were only a few points that were discussed. Ilham Aliyev spoke about this. These are, in particular, the width of the so-called corridor in Lachin, the liberation of Shusha, who will control there, etc. Azerbaijan defended its interests by 90%. The only best option was the gradual return of Nagorno-Karabakh to the country's sovereignty. An alternative could be the expulsion of the Armenians from this region. In this case, the opinion of the world community would not be on our side. Moreover, it is not known how much we would have to put on the battlefield of martyrs, liberating all our regions by force. Politics is a very complex art in which things never happens at once. I congratulate my fellow citizens on the great victory!

- For a long time at the talks of the OSCE Minsk Group, when the issue of the return of Azerbaijani refugees was discussed, the Armenian side put forward a condition for maintaining the demographic balance in favor of the Armenians, which was in the days of NKAO. How will the return of refugees proceed in the current conditions?

- From the very beginning of the conflict, the Armenian side in practice adhered to the principle "where there is an Armenian soldier, there should be no Azerbaijani." As a result of 30 years of occupation and total ethnic cleansing, Armenia has practically achieved its goal. During the hostilities that began on September 27, the Azerbaijani army liberated the territories of Karabakh, where previously the majority were Azerbaijanis. When the hostilities were supposed to continue in areas where the majority were Armenians before the conflict, the question arose: should we continue the practice that the Armenians imposed on us, or go another way. It was not only a moral, but also a political choice.

All military actions by the Azerbaijani army were carried out strictly within the framework of the norms and principles of international law, and therefore found full support from the world community. No one doubted the right of Baku to provide an opportunity for its refugees to return to their hometowns and villages. I think that this position would radically change if the offensive continued in areas where Armenians lived compactly. There were such signals from some external political forces. They could be seen not only in Russian media, but also in Western media. However, the end of hostilities at the current stage seems to be the most optimal for Azerbaijan.

All interested parties, including the Russian Federation and Turkey, declared that Nagorno-Karabakh is an integral part of Azerbaijan and the final settlement will take place within the borders of this state. The restoration of Azerbaijan's sovereignty in the rest of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh will take a lot of time and with the support of peacekeeping forces and observers. Now there are many different opinions about this in the press and social networks. However, it is clear to me that the participation of peacekeeping forces and observers in this process protects us from Armenian provocations, the goal of which will ultimately be to accuse Azerbaijan of "genocide-2". Although such a scenario is not given much importance, it is quite possible.

While the bitterness from the losses of our martyrs, the bombing of Barda, Ganja, Tartar is acute, people think in approximately the following categories: “So they did, why can't we do the same as the Armenians?” This is understandable, but political realities show that the scheme adopted on November 10 by the heads of the three countries is optimal. By military actions, we liberated 3.5 thousand square kilometers, as a result of the agreement, another 4.7 thousand square kilometers of territory where Azerbaijanis lived came under the control of Azerbaijan. The fact that these lands came under our control without war made it possible to avoid many times greater losses and blood than happened before the agreement. Therefore, the decision was unambiguously optimal, and then the political process of gradual restoration of Azerbaijan's full sovereignty over the rest of the territories of Nagorno-Karabakh will continue.

- There are many discussions on social networks about the status of the Russian peacekeepers. Quite a few of our citizens believe that a multinational peacekeeping force would be more credible ...

- Do not forget that Azerbaijan has full sovereignty over its entire territory. However, our country is not the largest in the world. The joint tripartite statement is the result of a certain compromise. Some, assessing the events, choose some point from this document and declare that this is not good. In real politics, no agreement can fully meet everything that each of the parties would like. That is why negotiations are underway to create some kind of balance. Examining the picture that is emerging in the course of the implementation of the Azerbaijani-Russian-Armenian agreement, I personally conclude that we have solved the problem of returning the occupied lands by 90%. Therefore, the President of Azerbaijan called the document Armenia's surrender.

At the same time, there are still questions to be solved. Unfortunately, in the history of Azerbaijani-Russian relations in terms of Karabakh, Russia's role was often ambiguous. But as a result of the policy pursued by the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, Russia's approach to the situation has changed, which is obvious. Our victory was made possible, among other things, thanks to two components. The first is the increased activity of Turkey in the region, including the military component. Today, in the military-political plan, Turkey is represented in the observation mission; the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan have an advisory apparatus of Turkish specialists. The Turkish air force is stationed in Ganja. At the right time, the effect of the Moscow treaty of 1922 was announced, which indicates that Turkey, along with Russia, is the guarantor of the status of Nakhchivan. This whole complex creates a certain geopolitical balance. First of all for Moscow.

The second important component is the changing role of Russia. The very picture of hostilities unfolding in Karabakh testifies to the fact that Russian-Armenian relations are in a deep crisis. At the same time, relations between Baku and Moscow have significantly strengthened. These geopolitical factors became the foreign policy background of the second Karabakh war.

In real politics, first, it is necessary to take into account the factors that can obviously influence the development of the situation. The agreement reached was the result of a compromise solution. And the presence of the peacekeeping forces, which have become a kind of gasket between the Armenians and our army, excluding the possibility of provocations with subsequent accusations of "mass massacre", does not inspire anything but optimism. Apparently, the Armenian side was preparing to play out just such a scenario. A number of articles, including in Russian editions, are proof of this.

On the other hand, the participants in the process - the Russian Federation and Turkey - unambiguously stated, Karabakh is Azerbaijan! This message defines the events that will take place in the future, including with the participation of the peacekeeping forces. The situation, contrary to the wishes of the OSCE Minsk Group, in particular France, has constructed a new format: Russia and Turkey. Moscow and Ankara, unambiguously recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani land, create a certain political framework.

However, the process of restoring sovereignty over the remaining territories will be long and difficult. We need to prepare for a phased implementation. Sovereignty is not only the flag of Azerbaijan hoisted over Khankendi. The flag is only a symbol of the country, but there is also the functioning of the national currency, the identification of the military personnel of the Armenian army, the determination of the time when the military formations from the local population will be disarmed, etc. It is to be decided how the return of Azerbaijani state structures to the region, fixing ownership and other issues. Probably, the ASAN Xidmət service should appear in Khankendi. That is what is important. Populists can say whatever they want, but they are not able to look at problems in a comprehensive manner. For the solution of the tasks facing us, it is very important to preserve the amazing unity of the entire Azerbaijani society, government and army, which was during the war. This is a favorable factor, which gives every reason to say that after a certain time the sovereignty of Azerbaijan will be restored over this territory.

The process of returning the Armenian population of Karabakh, to whom the president and the Azerbaijani government have guaranteed the security and citizenship of the country, is also difficult and long. On this path, we must be prepared for various problems, including provocations.

- How do you assess the meetings of "NKR head" Arayik Harutyunyan with the leaders of the Russian peacekeeping mission? In general, how should the legitimate representation of the Karabakh Armenians be carried out in the state structures of the region?

- As I have already said, the issue of restoring sovereignty is not a matter of one day, but a long-term and gradual process. Arayik Harutyunyan is just a forced and temporary contactor with the peacekeeping forces. He will live with the feeling that not today or tomorrow the Azerbaijani justice will overtake. I would like to cite the example of the late head of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic. I remember that he signed the Dayton Accords, visited Washington and continued his activities for a long time. Of course, I am far from comparing Milosevic with Harutyunyan, but despite his considerable work, the Serbian leader after a while found himself in the dock. Therefore, all these contacts in Khankendi should be viewed as temporary and working, which will ultimately lead to the restoration of our sovereignty. You cannot demand the solution of all issues at the same time. There is a lot of work to restore communications, return refugees, consolidate in Aghdam region, Kelbajar, Lachin, build a road to Nakhchivan, etc. And the turn will come to Arayik.

- Armenian media incessantly talked about the Russian Iskander missile system purchased by Yerevan. Armenian politicians assured their people that the mere presence of these missiles would discourage Azerbaijan from any desire to return the occupied territories by force. Even when Azerbaijan acquired the Israeli anti-aircraft missile shield "Iron Dome" and, according to some sources, the newest system for the destruction of missiles "Magic Wand", Armenian political scientists urged not to pay attention to this. However, Yerevan, which was rattling with Iskanders for a long time and so hysterically, did not let them into action ...

“The very fact that Armenia received this weapon aroused considerable doubts. Everything looked like only an imitation of supplies. In addition, this system can only be highly accurate when used in conjunction with a satellite positioning system. Iskander missiles fly partly in the ballistic phase, partly like cruise missiles, orienting themselves on the ground. Initially, it was clear that without permission and support, Armenia would not be able to apply this system. In addition, Iskanders were created as carriers of nuclear weapons, and their warhead stuffed with conventional explosives is only 450 kg, which is not such a great explosive power. For example, the same Scud missiles that the Armenians used during the shelling of Azerbaijani territory have an explosive power of more than 800 kg. A modern aircraft generally carries ammunition weighing about 3 tons. In short, the Iskander is to some extent a myth, and the significance of this weapon should not be overestimated.

At the same time, the Armenian authorities could not ignore such a factor as Nakhchivan. Yerevan understood that if missiles were used against our vital facilities - power plants, pipelines, oil fields, etc., a strike would follow on the territory of Armenia. Which, in fact, was undertaken when the missile systems were destroyed on the border with Azerbaijan. Baku gave an unambiguous signal that there would be an immediate response to rocket attacks on the country's facilities. In this situation, the factor of Nakhchivan was of great importance, since there is only 50 km from the capital of Armenia to the border of the NAR. The missile systems, which are in service with the Special Azerbaijani Army in Nakhchivan, make it easy to hit targets throughout the territory of Armenia. For example, the launch of our Gasyrga system of four missiles with a warhead of up to 700 kg of explosives can hit any point in the Armenian territory. The flight from the NAR territory to Yerevan will take a few minutes. Therefore, the Armenian propaganda was aimed at disorienting the Azerbaijani public.

In addition, for some reason in Armenia they were sure that Russia would come to their aid and Russian soldiers would die for the sake of delusional Armenian ambitions. During the war, there were almost demands from the Armenian diaspora to send Russian troops to the conflict zone on Azerbaijani territory.

While describing their weapons, our neighbors were simply bluffing, passing off dreaming. Armenia suffered a crushing defeat. It should be noted that in recent years, the defense policy of Azerbaijan has been built at the highest level. Foreign experts were simply shocked by the military-tactical capabilities of the Azerbaijani army. This power made it possible to defeat completely the armed forces of Armenia.

- The Armenian opposition threatens to overthrow Nikol Pashinyan, create an anti-Turkish coalition, withdraw from the agreement on November 10 and recognize Nagorno-Karabakh. If it succeeds in carrying out a coup by means of a revolution, like in 2016, or as a result of a terrorist attack, like in 1999, what could be the consequences for the region ...

- Such calls are really heard at rallies in Yerevan. However, the best response to the desire to withdraw from the trilateral agreement was given by Russian President Vladimir Putin, stating that it would be a disaster for Armenia. Different versions can be put forward as to why a catastrophe awaits Armenia in this case, but in fact, this statement by Putin was a tough warning for all Armenian political forces.

During the 44-day war, Azerbaijan restored its interstate border with Armenia. The process of identification and withdrawal of the Armenian military from the territories controlled by the peacekeeping forces is underway. By the way, the point on the withdrawal of Armenian troops is present in the joint statement of the heads of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia. In fact, the Azerbaijani army drove the aggressor out of its territory. The list of topics to be discussed with the Armenian side is very short. This is the normalization of the situation on the border of the two countries, some measures of confidence and security. It is also possible to discuss the item of the statement on the restoration of communication between Nakhchivan and the western part of Azerbaijan for a practical solution of this issue. As for other topics, for example, how the process of reintegration of the territories controlled by the peacekeeping forces will proceed, this does not concern the Republic of Armenia at all. This is, firstly, the internal affair of Azerbaijan, and secondly, Russia and Turkey have been identified as participants in the process of restoring sovereignty over this territory.

There is no place for Armenia here. According to the President of Azerbaijan, the status quo has changed in Nagorno-Karabakh, and any attempts to impose the old ideas of the Madrid principles or something else from the OSCE MG portfolio are no longer relevant. The claims of the OSCE Minsk Group to participate in some processes in Azerbaijan will be taken into account depending on whether Baku wants to involve the OSCE mediation to resolve its internal issues or not. Azerbaijan has already chosen its partners - Russia and Turkey. All the rest of Baku can write a short note: "Thank you all, everyone is free!" The topic of OSCE mediation is closed. Therefore, we must encourage the Russia-Turkey format, which has demonstrated the ability to resolve issues in a short time. This was clearly seen in the example of the liberation of the remaining three regions - Kelbajar, Aghdam and Lachin. I am confident that the process will continue in the right direction.

- Until recently, Turkey linked the opening of the border with Armenia with the liberation of the occupied Azerbaijani lands. Has this relationship remained or is only Armenia’s claims to Ankara now on the agenda?

- Now, in Armenia there is a difficult process of rethinking the stage of its modern history. The defeat inflicted by Azerbaijan forced the Armenian political elite to reconsider their foreign and domestic policies. The reaction of Turkey and Azerbaijan to the policy of Armenia will depend on what agenda the Armenians propose. Will ambitious slogans on expanding borders in accordance with the declaration of Greater Armenia continue to be heard, will the country move away from the policy of territorial claims to almost all neighbors, will it begin to feel itself a state that wants to live in peace and harmony with its neighbors? In this case, we may be interested in building some kind of relationship. Turkey will also proceed from whether Armenia will present territorial claims, whether it will continue to conduct anti-Turkish propaganda at all international platforms, whether Armenia will remain a conductor of the provocative policy of other players in the region, etc. Time will tell. Perhaps the pressing problems of Armenia will force its authorities to turn to reality. Then we can think about how to react. So far, one thing is clear - Azerbaijan has completely restored the border with Armenia. This is of key importance.

- How would you characterize Iran's policy during the war? First Tehran offered its mediation to the conflicting parties, then brought thousands of soldiers and armored vehicles of the IRGC to the Azerbaijani border, where fierce battles were raging. What is Iran's goal?

- Unfortunately, in our society Iran is often judged unnecessarily painfully, hastily and emotionally. Meanwhile, only the sustained position of President Ilham Aliyev prevented the emergence of conflict situations with Iran. The Armenians really wanted the conflicts between Baku and Tehran. Alas, there are people in Azerbaijan who, underestimating the geopolitical situation, come up with slogans that, in my opinion, should not be voiced against a neighboring state. Iran was particularly pleased to note that during a visit by Ilham Aliyev to the Khudaferin Bridge in liberated Jabrail, the President said that this would be the border of good-neighborliness and cooperation. Further, the President announced a project to restore the railway in the NAR. In Soviet times, it was the junction of the railway to Iran. Armenia, along with Iran and Turkey, may be interested in this path. Yerevan dreamed of transit flows through the country within the framework of the North-South transport corridor project. Now our neighbors may have a 42-kilometer railway route for international transit of goods. This is reality. At some stage, relations with Armenia should move away from the current confrontation towards cooperation.

As for the position of Iran in the days of the war, it was unambiguously determined by the high degree of Baku's interest in the development of bilateral Iranian-Azerbaijani relations. Tehran actually imposed a ban on the transit of weapons to Armenia. When they talked about the supply of weapons through Iranian territory, they noted that it was a smuggling of Armenians. Moreover, the flights of civilian aircraft with illegal weapons on board through the airspace of Iran violated the laws of the Islamic Republic itself. The Iranian position on the current situation in Karabakh is that countries far from this region should be present in it. Therefore, for the Iranians, the Russian-Turkish format is preferable to any other, since these countries are partners in the region.

- In Azerbaijani society, some insist on the creation of a Turkish military base in Azerbaijan as a factor in the balance of power. If during the war the factor of Turkey, political support for Ankara played a huge role, even in peacetime the Turkish military will be the guarantor of security. Just as the 102nd Russian base in Gyumri serves as the guarantor of Armenia's security ...

- The Turkish military have been present in Azerbaijan for many years as military advisers, participating in the training of the Azerbaijani military. Our victory is largely the result of this preparation. Another component is the presence of F-16 aircraft in Ganja. In fact, this means the long-term presence of the Turkish Air Force on the territory of Azerbaijan. For more than a year, Azerbaijan and Turkey have been regularly conducting joint air force exercises. There is a very high degree of military cooperation between our countries. At the same time, Russia is sympathetic to Baku's desire to develop military-technical cooperation with Ankara. This is because Moscow sees Turkey as a trusted partner in solving regional problems. Not only in the South Caucasus, but also in Libya and Syria, where they have a joint patrol point. True, it should be noted that the interaction between Moscow and Ankara is in a kind of dissonance in relations between the two countries with the West. The current historical debate that Tofig Zulfugarov does not want to see Turkish bases in the region sound ridiculous to say the least. We do not define regional policy. I wrote about the formation of the Russian-Turkish tandem in my publications several months ago. The fact is that Russian-Turkish cooperation is an open challenge to the old system in the form of the OSCE MG with its mediation, the proposal of some projects, etc. Now it is obvious that the OSCE MG is out of work.  The primary task of the pro-Armenian forces in Russia and the West is to embroil Moscow and Ankara. When we start to play along with this theme, we make a big mistake. Our task is to defend our interests and at the same time prevent a Russian-Turkish confrontation in this region. In order not to become a testing ground for this confrontation, which our enemies really want, and some of our citizens are unconsciously involved in this game. This concerns, for example, the issue of joint patrolling. After all, the main thing is that Turkey, as a result of the agreements reached, has become a participant in the peacekeeping process. Although Ankara was not mentioned in the trilateral agreement, today Turkey is a full-fledged participant in the Russian-Turkish process.

In my opinion, patrolling in Nagorno-Karabakh should be three-pronged - Russian peacekeepers, ordinary or military police of Azerbaijan and some kind of security organization, funded by the Azerbaijani budget, consisting of Armenians. These forces will deal with practical issues during the transition period. The triple patrol format is not a new idea; it has been used in many regions. It is important that the Armenians from the security commercial company be financed by the Azerbaijani side. This will create a certain desire for cooperation with this structure among the Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh. At the first stage, such a format should have been achieved. As for the security of the Azerbaijani population in the liberated territories, it is guaranteed by the state structures of Azerbaijan - the army, police, etc. The armament of the Azerbaijani army in Shusha is a good guarantor of security for returning Azerbaijani refugees.

- How do you imagine the status of the Lachin corridor?

- What is called the Lachin corridor, in reality, is an ordinary road. I am against the term corridor, as it implies some legal extraterritoriality. I think that no one aims to alienate this territory. It turns out to be absurd - to alienate in favor of another territory of Azerbaijan, where the country's sovereignty should be restored. The issue is to ensure the safety of this road. And here it is necessary to closely cooperate with the peacekeeping forces. There should be no speculation on this matter. Our displaced persons must return to their communities in the Lachin region, where they lived before the conflict. Security control and the return of refugees to their homes in this zone are not linked. Safety should be for both those who live there and those who pass this road. Security is ensured by the operation of the law and the absence of offenses.

- It is interesting that after the first and second ceasefire agreements, Armenian commanders, including Defense Minister David Tonoyan, reported to Pashinyan that the army was on the verge of complete annihilation. Attacks by Azerbaijani drones and artillery overtook the Armenian military near not only military equipment, but also when they gathered in a group of up to 4-5 people. For two weeks, the Armenian prime minister watched as his army was being destroyed; he did not agree with the withdrawal of troops from Karabakh. What was the head of the Armenian state hoping for?

- He hoped for Russia's intervention on the side of Armenia and never imagined that Moscow would support all the points of the ceasefire conditions put forward by Azerbaijan. It is a fact. There were only a few points that were discussed. Ilham Aliyev spoke about this. These are, in particular, the width of the so-called corridor in Lachin, the liberation of Shusha, who will control there, etc. Azerbaijan defended its interests by 90%. The only best option was the gradual return of Nagorno-Karabakh to the country's sovereignty. An alternative could be the expulsion of the Armenians from this region. In this case, the opinion of the world community would not be on our side. Moreover, it is not known how much we would have to put on the battlefield of martyrs, liberating all our regions by force. Politics is a very complex art in which things never happens at once. I congratulate my fellow citizens on the great victory!

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