Pandemonium due to insinuation

The AKP will celebrate the 18th anniversary of its government on November 18. The jargon most frequently used to change the agenda of these 18 years, which I watched closely, has been "coup". And the most effective word that the AKP government was able to consolidate its supporters around itself was "coup" and continues to be. There is, so to speak, a "genetic" reason for this. Because the Justice and Development Party (AKP), founded on August 15, 2001, came to power alone, turning the economic crisis and the "coup" jargon into an opportunity.

The "coup" refers to a meeting of the National Security Council chaired by President Süleyman Demirel on February 28, 1997: Recommendations were made to the government to curb rising religious tendencies and growing sects in the country, and Prime Minister Erbakan sent instructions to the relevant ministries based on those recommendations. Later, as a result of the resignation of some ministers, on June 28, Prime Minister Erbakan also submitted his resignation to the President.

Istanbul's mayor, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was investigated in December of that year for a religious poem he read in Siirt province, was dismissed from his post in March 1999, and was sentenced to four months in prison. Religious people of Turkey have always described these processes as a "coup", while political Islamists have never given up this by making 1.5-year processes the main "metaphor" of their jargon.

A brief statement by former Chief of General Staff, General Yaşar Büyükanıt, written on April 27, 2007, of which content was - "We do not want a president whose wife wears a headscarf", also nearly doubled the AKP's rating: In the early elections held on July 22, 2007, he continued to rule alone strongly with 47% of the vote.

Despite the fact that after the coup attempt of FETÖ on July 15, 2016, the army was completely brought under control and designed in the way the government wanted, now not only the word "coup" but also any word associated with it is incredibly disturbing the AKP. If you want an example, here it is: Don't forget the words of Özgür Özel, deputy chairman of the main opposition CHP parliamentary faction, "The palace regime is coming to an end" (April 29), see the second example without forgetting these words: The words of the chairman of the CHP Istanbul regional organization, Canan Kaftancıoğlu, "The government is going somewhere. This is either an early election in the future or in another form...", which have been described by those in power, especially President Erdoğan, as a "call for a coup".

Let the head of state open his mouth, isn't that what the pro-media needs? Neither the past nor the present of the founding party of the state remains, the representatives of the government and the pro-media “washes wetly, hangs dryly” the main opposition party with all the real and unreal accusations that come to mind, along with being a "secret organizer of coups". It is difficult to intuit here: Did Özel and Kaftancıoğlu say those words by knowing the reactions from the presidential palace and the pro-media or did they unknowingly give the pass that the government mostly wanted to it?

Both Özel and Kaftancıoğlu, are not novice politicians who do not know the reactions of the government, especially President Erdoğan. So, did they say those words in order to reveal the thrill and flap on the government’s side in front of the public? If so, why did the government fall into the trap of the main opposition party and get into a flap due to not even a word spoken openly but an insinuation? To consolidate his supporters around him next time against the insinuation of a "coup"? Who has benefited or will benefit from such flap due to Özel and Kaftancıoğlu’s words, which do not "smell like a coup" even a little: the government or the opposition?

This was reminiscent of Azerbaijan in 2005: the health and economy ministers were arrested on "coup attempt" initiatives, and during the investigation, they had seen that they were ministers of health and economy, not defense; hence, the issue of "coup" was not included in the indictment by changing articles.

Last summer, a court sentenced Kaftancıoğlu, chairman of the CHP Istanbul regional organization, to imprisonment under several articles, and necessary objections were made to the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court. Will Kaftancıoğlu be arrested this time for the "insinuation to a coup"?

"Two states of one nation" have long reached the point of arrest for the insinuation, and perhaps one of them has passed even that stage.

After this, is it the turn of making signs with eye and brow?

Mayis Alizade