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As soon as the Azerbaijani government moved to Baku, its first step was to establish order in the city and set up a functioning council of ministers. After settling in Baku, the government newspaper Azerbaijan, which continued its publication in the capital, published the interim addresses of ministries and offices in early October.The office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was first housed in several rooms of the Metropol Hotel, after which it moved to a magnificent residence located on Sahil Street. At a meeting of the Council of Ministers on October 16, 1918, the staffing table was reviewed, and the bureaucratic red tape between people and the government was minimized. The mission of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was to devise and realize the foreign policy of the government. It was considered one of the most important ministries of the republic, as its core function was to advance the country"s interests abroad through the conduct and management of its foreign relations. As the efforts of the government had been geared toward the goal of liberating Baku, which was accomplished during the summer and autumn of 1918, the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would be determined only after the Council of Ministers had moved to Baku. According to the Statute on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the ministry"s responsibilities were as follows: to establish relations with foreign governments on political, economic, social, cultural, and legal matters; to promote and protect the interest of Azerbaijani nationals and businesses in foreign countries; to influence, strengthen, and develop industrial and commercial relations of Azerbaijan with other countries; to protect the dignity and property of Azerbaijanis living abroad; to help protect the borders of Azerbaijan through the issuance of visas to foreign nationals and authenticating documents and ensuring that all their legal requirements are met.
On October 6, 1918, the government decided to establish a commission that set out to inform European capitals about Azerbaijan"s independence. In late August, Ali Mardan Bey Topchupashov was appointed Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to Istanbul by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and was given the task to start forming the structure of the missions in European capitals. Ali Mardan Bey Topchubashov, who was preparing to visit Berlin and Vienna, concluded several meetings with Turkish officials in Istanbul throughout the month of October. But, as Turkey was in crisis on the eve of the defeat and there had been three cabinet changes in Turkey within the last 3 months, it was not possible to establish stable relations between Azerbaijan and the Ottoman government.
In the autumn of 1918, the German-Turkish bloc was defeated in World War I. On October 30, Turkey had to agree to the harsh terms of the Mondros (Mudros) armistice. This defeat dealt a tragic blow to the Azerbaijan Republic. On October 27, before the armistice was signed, Ali Mardan Topchubashov had met the new Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, Nabi Bey, postponed his Vienna and Berlin visits, and expressed his desire to go to Lemnos (Sakkiz) Island, where the Entente representatives were holding peace negotiations. But the Turkish
Minister of Foreign Affairs told him that the negotiations would soon end and asked him to wait. The Mondros armistice, which imposed extremely hard terms not only for Turkey, but for the Republic of Azerbaijan, was signed after 3 days. In accordance to the eleventh article of the armistice, Turkish troops should depart Azerbaijan and the Trans-Caucasus. Ottoman dispatches in Azerbaijan were forwarded an ultimatum to leave Baku within a week and Azerbaijan within a month. The commander-in-chief of the Caucasian army, Nuri Pasha, at the last moment expressed his desired to enlist in the Azerbaijani military and tried to stay in Baku, as had been agreed during the negotiations in Istanbul. But all was futile, because the ultimatum of the Allies was firm. According to Article
15 of the Armistice, the Allies would assume control over the Trans-Caucasian Railway, which had been previously controlled by Turkey in accordance with the Batum agreement. The Allies then had the right to take over Batum and to demand that Turkey should not resist the Allies occupying Baku. According to Article 24, the Allies had the right to assume control over six Armenian provinces in Turkey whenever disorder and unrest would take place. This article pitted Armenians against Turkey and in turn was meant to provoke the former. In early November, as soon as the Austro-Hungarian and German governments signed the acknowledgments of defeat, Soviet Russia renounced the Brest treaty, which meant that Armenia and Georgia could again claim Gars, Batum, and Ardahan. The annulment of the Brest agreement also meant the annulment of the August 27 accord. However, since this agreement was signed secretly between Germany and Russia, it was reason for Soviet Russia not to include that portion in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee resolution.
Azerbaijan faced new difficulties after the completion of the First World War. Under the Mondros artmistice, the allies were entitled to occupy Baku. The Azerbaijani government and its diplomatic representatives in the Ottoman Empire did not stand by idly to the Mondros armistice. Note that the armistice was signed by Rauf Orbay bey on the part of Turkey, a former head of the Turkish delegation at the Trabzon talks and currently a Navy Minister in the Cabinet of Izzet pasha. On November 3, conditions of the Mondros armistice were announced officially. Ali Mardan bey wrote about it: "That evening I visited Rauf bey". Ali Mardan bey protested against provisions that stipulated the transfer of Baku and the Azerbaijani railway to the allies without preliminary discussions with representatives of Azerbaijan. Rauf bey said that the allies nagged at the presence of the Turkish troops in Azerbaijan and compelled the Turks to accept these discriminatory provisions". It can"t be helped, they are winners, and we are losers". However, Rauf bey advised to seek recognition of Azerbaijan"s independence by the Entente. He added that in a day or two a delegation of the allies would arrive in Istanbul for consultations On November 4, Topchibashov submitted his written protest to Reshad Hikmet bey, a deputy Foreign Minister of Turkey. The letter pointed out that the Ottoman government recognized Azerbaijan"s independence, however, at the same time, it signed a treaty that violated international regulations and laws and thus made Britishers easier to capture Azerbaijan". I"m far from accepting this as a premeditated intention of the imperial Ottoman government, yet, I consider it my duty to protest against an item in question". Further, the protest noted that it would be desirable to acquaint Azerbaijan with some provisions of the armistice regarding the Caucasus and notably Azerbaijan. In vindication, Hikmetbey declared that the government of Turkey could not cede to the Entente a city it did not own. As for the Mondros armistice, it stipulated that Turkey would impede occupation of Baku by Britishers. Topchibashov realized this phrase as "go and seize Baku". To conclude, the protest stressed the necessity of direct or, via the Turkish government, participation of Azerbaijani representatives of debates arising from interests of the country. "Hereupon, we kindly ask the Ottoman government to convey my point of view to the government and pave the way for political talks."
On November 5, Topchibashov was received by the Turkish Foreign Minister, Nabi bey. The Minister tried to make excuses to Ali Mardan bey as saying that Turkey had no alternative but to sign the Mondros armistice. He opined that a delay in 15 days would end with occupation of Istanbul. Besides, he warned that Britishers were going to occupy not only Baku but also Batum and the entire Transcaucasia. In his letter to the Azerbaijani government dated November 15 Topchibashov appraised the developments as follows: "Under terms and conditions of the armistice Turkey committed to: 1) not impede Entente troops to occupy Baku; 2) grant them control over the Transcaucasian railways; 3) withdraw the Turkish troops on demand of the Entente.
Touching upon the diplomatic note above, the Turkish Foreign Minister gave a written comment to some provisions of the Mondros armistice concerning Azerbaijan. He emphasized that Baku had never belonged to the Ottomans; hence, Turkey could not cede it to the Entente. To avoid the conflict situation, Turkey had to withdraw its troops from the city and "thus act is not an infringement of sovereign rights of the Azerbaijan Republic to Baku". In accordance with the Mondros armistice, Turkey withdrew all its troops from the Transcaucasia, including Azerbaijan. As for the Azerbaijani railways, the Foreign Minister pointed out that Turkey conceded not all railways to the Entente but only right to control some sections. "As for your request to establish relations between the British and your governments, the Ottoman government will do it at the earliest convenience".
Although the Azerbaijani government was disappointed with the Ottoman government because of the Mondros armistice articles concerning Azerbaijan, they bade farewell to the Turkish delegates with deep respect and esteem in a manner similar to how they had greeted Turkish troops despite their defeat in World War I. On Sunday, November 10, the Azerbaijani government organized a banquet in Nuri Pasha"s honor. Four hundred people were invited to the banquet. Well-known intellectuals and political figures, industrialists, leaders of political parties and societies, and leaders of the Azerbaijani army were in attendance. Fatali khan Khoyski, who was the first to speak at the event, said the following: "In the battlefields of Azerbaijan, our Turkish brothers" blood has mingled with ours. We are relatives by our origins and the intermingling of our blood has made this relationship even stronger. The blood shed for the independence of Azerbaijan is the guarantee of friendship, as well an indestructible tie that binds the Ottomans and the Azeri Turks." In another speech, Mahammad Emin Rasulzade, the head of the Musavat party, who had just returned from Istanbul, said that a year ago, intense discussions were held over the question of the self-determination of Muslims. Baku "Socialists," with Stepan Shaumian as their head, considered it an impossibility for Azerbaijani Muslims, and did everything they could to block the self-determination of Muslims, and other Caucasian nationalities encountered the same resistance. They threatened to reduce Azerbaijan to ruins if the Azerbaijani Turks acted on their ideas. "Now, Azerbaijani Turks have been able to claim their right with the help of their blood brothers." Ahmad bey Aghayev noted in his speech at the event:
There were times when it was considered almost a crime if Azerbaijani Turks talked about their brother, the Ottoman Turks, during the tsarist regime. When Bolshevik Russia proclaimed the Declaration of the Rights of Nations, they stated that they would affirm self-determination only on their terms. Nuri Pasha also gave a speech on behalf of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey"s Caucasian headquarters. He said that he had done what had to be done and was ready to do his best for Azerbaijan. In closing, he said, "The interest of our fraternal Azerbaijani Turks is sacred for every Turk ... . If there will be more need for sacrifice for the independence of Azerbaijan, we are ready for it."
On the same day, November 10, Prime Minister Fatali khan Khoyski and Adil khan Ziyadkhanli, who was responsible for foreign affairs, sent a telegram addressed to the most influential political figure at that time, the leader of the postwar reorganization, Woodrow Wilson, the president of the United States of America. The United States had become the most influential state during the last stages of the World War I. In the telegram to President Wilson was a request to help the Azerbaijanis in their quest for the recognition of the independence of Azerbaijan by the world powers. They implored him, "Before addressing the European powers, the Azerbaijani people and government, in the hope to gain assistance and achieve recognition, turn to you, as a defender of small nations, relying on your humanitarian principles."
In his letter to Fatali khan Khoyskii of October 31 Ali Mardan bey insistently advised to start talks with Britishers quartered in Resht and Enzeli. Earlier November 1918 an Azerbaijani delegation composed of Nasib bey Ussubbeyov, Ahmed bey Aghayev and Musa bey Rafiyev went to Enzeli and began negotiating with the British command in Northern Iran. Note that the British troops in this region were headed by Gen.William Thomson. The talks were difficult. At first, the general denied the very notion of a state titled "Azerbaijan". Following long debates, he declared, "According to our information, there is not a Republic established at the will of the whole Azerbaijani people. There is a government formed thanks to the intrigues of the Turkish command. But if you insist, we shall check up everything and pass an appropriate decision". Gen.Thomson assured that the allies "have come to create, not to destroy". In the end of the talks, Thomson announced that by 10 a.m., November 17 Baku must be free from Turkish or Azerbaijani troops and that the city with oilfields would fall under the British control. The rest of the country would remain under the control of the Azerbaijani government and army.
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